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Jewish Rights at the Congresses of Vienna 
(1814-1815) and Aix-La-Chapelle (1818) 


Reprinted from the Publications of the 

American Jewish Historical Society 

Number 26 






In 1916 The American Jewish Committee published a 
special edition of a work entitled " Jewish Disabilities in the 
Balkan States," by Max J. Kohler and Simon Wolf. This 
paper, which dealt in the main with the discussion of the civil 
and political rights of Jews at the Congress of Berlin 
(1878), was presented by Mr. Kohler at the twenty-fourth 
annual meeting of the American Jewish Historical Society, 
held at Philadelphia, on February 20, 1916. 

At the twenty-fifth annual meeting of the American Jewish 
Historical Society, Mr. Max J. Kohler presented a paper deal- 
ing in a similar manner with the discussion of Jewish rights 
at two previous international Congresses, those of Vienna 
(1814-15) and Aix-la-Chapelle (1818). In view of the im- 
portance and timeliness of the subject The American Jewish 
Committee deems it advisable to issue a special edition of 
Mr. Kohler's second paper. 



Prefatory Note iii 

Jewish Rights at the Congresses of Vienna (1814-1815), and 

Aix-La-Chapelle (1818) 1 

I. The Congress of Vienna 1 

II. The Congress of Aix-La-Chapelle 50 

Appendix A. Wilhelm von Humboldt on the Principles 
of Jewish Emancipatory Legislation and His Rela- 
tions to the Jews 63 

I. Wilhelm von Humboldt's Relations to the Jews. . 63 
II. Regarding the Draft of a New System of Legis- 
lation for the Jews, July 17, 1809, by Wilhelm 

von Humboldt 71 

Appendix B. The Influence of Lewis Way and Other 
English Missionaries upon Alexander I's Treatment 

of the Jews 84 

Index . 95 

(1814-1815), AND AIX-LA-CHAPELLE (1818). 



The consideration given to the subject of " Jewish Eights " 
at the Congress of Vienna, held at the close of the Napoleonic 
Wars, proved of considerable importance in the history of 
Jewish emancipation, though the narrative of the subject has 
been very much neglected. Probably for the first time in 
modern history, Jewish emancipation was officially passed 
upon at a conference of nations, and a resolution in favor of 
the principle was adopted, though its compromised form and 
the reactionary trend of events were such that it did not lead 
to as pronounced an improvement in the condition of the Jews 
as their friends had hoped. Jewish communities were officially 
represented at the Congress, although their spokesmen were not 
actually heard at any official sessions. More effective work was 
done by those not appearing officially through envoys, and the 
greatest statesmen of Europe publicly espoused the cause of 
Jewish emancipation at a time when, even in their own lands, 
the Jews generally labored under serious disabilities. A sum- 
mary of the debates on the subject has been preserved in 
Kliiber's Aden des Wiener Congresses, and in some of the 
memorials submitted on behalf of the Jews, which sources were 
sparingly utilized by Jost and Graetz in their histories of the 
Jews ; but the numerous memoirs and the collections of letters 
of leading statesmen who figured at the Congress have not been 
drawn upon heretofore, although they modify Graetz's conclu- 
sions materially. Nor have specialized histories of various 


2 American Jewish Historical Society. 

German states and their Jewish communities, particularly 
those published during the past half -century, been heretofore 
utilized, while a great deal of material still exists in MS. in 
European archives. Unfortunately, the war has not only 
made it impossible to secure unpublished MS. material in 
Germany and Austria, but several scores of relevant printed 
works, chiefly German, which the writer has seen cited, could 
not be found in this country. 

The conditions that confronted Europe at the Congress of 
Vienna were, in important respects, similar to those that are 
likely to confront the Peace Conference to meet at the close of 
the present war. The Napoleonic Wars, like the one in which 
civilization is now involved, saw material improvement wrought 
in the civil and political condition of the Jews, and the im- 
portant question arose, whether the concert of the powers would 
safeguard these landmarks of civilization, or let each German 
state arbitrarily deal with them as it chose, at a time when 
public opinion was still inadequately formed, and when there 
was a strong tendency toward reaction and antagonism toward 
the French revolutionary spirit. This had established the 
abhorred revolutionary governments and measures, which force 
of arms had now unseated or called in question. It is to the 
signal credit of the greatest of the statesmen assembled at 
Vienna that they did not choose the line of least resistance, but, 
on the contrary, adopted a resolution on the subject, restricting 
individual German states from curtailing Jewish rights. More- 
over, this Congress established an important international 
precedent in treating humanitarian questions, which had pre- 
viously been regarded as matters of mere internal arrangement 
for each state. Freedom and equal rights for all Christian 
denominations were affirmatively guaranteed throughout the 
German states, and religious equality and liberty for all 
creeds in the Netherlands. Freedom of emigration from state 
to state in Germany was granted, and concerted efforts were 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 3 

made toward the abolition of the slave-trade. Whatever its 
shortcomings, the Congress of Vienna set precedents which 
greatly tended to promote the cause of civilization and hu- 
manity. Moreover, as regards its provision for Jewish rights, 
its determination, in the autumn of 1816, called forth an 
emphatic protest against the course of the city of Frankf ort-on- 
the-Main in persecuting its Jews, in violation of this treaty, 
which took the shape of identic notes from Austria, Prussia, 
England and Russia, probably the earliest joint international 
correspondence for the protection of Jewish rights. 

The French Eevolution, consciously to a great extent follow- 
ing our American precedent, had emancipated the Jews in 
France and Holland, and its influence in Italy, Germany and 
Austria had also been strongly in favor of abolishing Jewish 

In the Kingdom of Westphalia, which Napoleon had estab- 
lished, an effective scheme for Jewish emancipation was 
adopted and proclaimed. Karl von Dalberg, the Prince-Primate 
of the Confederation of the Rhine, had greatly alleviated 
Jewish disabilities in Frankfort, and granted enlarged rights 
on December 28, 1811, in consideration of large payments in 
money and bonds, though his edict was repudiated by the 
municipality in 1814. 

Bremen and Liibeck at length saw Jews privileged to settle 
there, and Hamburg found their rights there greatly enlarged, 
but in 1814 voted against a confirmation of Jewish emancipa- 
tion. States like Prussia in 1812, and Bavaria in 1813, had 
voluntarily followed the French precedents, and enlarged Jew- 
ish rights under the influence of French ideas and the more 
liberal spirit of the day. But scarcely had Napoleon been con- 
quered, in 1814, than strong efforts were made to repeal all the 
ameliorating laws which revolutionary and semi-revolutionary 
governments had passed, and the Jews eagerly sought relief at 

4 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Vienna of a congress entrusted with the duty of establishing 
a German confederation. 1 

The Jews of Frankfort were officially represented at the 
Congress by Jacob Baruch, the father of Ludwig Boerne, and 
by G. G. Uffenheim, 3 J. J. Gumprecht being also active, as 
a petitioner/ and they submitted an able, extant memorial and 
petition to the Congress on October 10, 1814. 4 On May 12, 
1815, they addressed a letter to Prince Hardenberg, the Prus- 
sian Chancellor, 8 which evoked a most sympathetic answer 
from that distinguished statesman. 8 Prince Hardenberg and 
Wilhelm von Humboldt were the leading advocates of Jewish 

1 Von Ronne and Simon, in Die frilheren und gegenwartigen Ver- 
hdltnisse der Juden des preussischen Staates, Breslau, 1843, p. 19, 
called attention to the fact that the Jews had petitioned earlier 
peace-congresses held during the Napoleonic Wars for measures of 
emancipation. In fact, Michel Berr presented an appeal for a 
Jewish Congress at Lun6ville in 1801, Sulamith, vol. ii, pt. 2, 
p. 320; vol. v, pt. 2, pp. 277-8, which is summarized in Kirwan's 
translation of Tama's " Transactions of the Parisian Sanhedrin," 
pp. 63-84. Even the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, ending the 
Thirty Years' War, has been construed by a learned commentator 
as providing for Jewish toleration. See Putter, Geschichte des 
westfalischen Friedens, Gottingen, 1795, p. 353, cited in Ruffini's 
" Religious Liberty," New York, 1912, p. 230. I am indebted for 
valuable references utilized in this paper to Profs. Gotthard 
Deutsch and Alexander Marx, Dr. K. Kohler, Albert M. Frieden- 
berg, Leon Hiihner, A. S. Freidus, and A. S. Oko, and to my 
wife. I am also greatly indebted to Frederic W. Erb, of the ref- 
erence department of the Columbia University Library, for locating 
for me, often in libraries in distant cities, many of the works 
cited herein, and enabling me to utilize them in New York. See 
also, my paper, "Jewish Rights at International Congresses," in 
The American' Jewish Year Book, 5678, p. 106 et seg. 

1 Kliiber, supra, vol. vi, p. 610. 

Ibid., p. 403. 

4 IUd., pp. 396-415. 

Ibid., pp. 415-7. 

"Ibid., pp. 417, 8; see infra, p. 13. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 5 

rights at the Congress, and Metternich, Gentz and Wessenberg 
aided their efforts. Subsequently, on June 9, 1815, immedi- 
ately after the Congress adjourned, Prince Metternich, its 
President, addressed letters to Baruch and Syndic Danz, con- 
firming in the strongest terms the view that the Congress had 
secured the rights of the Jews in Frankfort, 7 and such a letter 
was also sent by Metternich, and another by Prince Harden- 
berg the next day, as will be shown later, to the representative of 
the Jews of the Hanseatic towns (pp. 30-2). The Jews of 
Bremen, Hamburg and Liibeck had selected as their representa- 
tive at the Congress Dr. Carl August Buchholz of Liibeck, an 
able jurist, who had a short time before prepared an illuminat- 
ing exposition of the duty of Jewish emancipation, and who 
submitted an able, printed memorial to the Congress, and held 
numerous conferences with Humboldt, Friedrich von Gentz, 
the distinguished Secretary of the Congress, and others on their 
behalf. Sir Adolphus W. Ward, in his chapters on " The Con- 
gress of Vienna " in The Cambridge Modern History " refers to 
the Jews of Strassburg as also being officially represented, but it 
is not unlikely that this was a mistaken reference to Hamburg.* 
Of course, unofficially, many other Jewish communities and 
leaders were active at the Congress in the cause of Jewish 
emancipation, particularly the Jewish communities of Prague, 
Berlin and Vienna, and individuals like the Eothschilds, 
Lamel of Prague, and the Arnstein, Herz, and Eskeles families 
of Vienna. Nor should one overlook the brilliant group of 

T Ibid., pp. 418-23; see infra, p. 29. 

1 Vol. ix, p. 588. 

However, it is quite possible that Ward's statement is correct, 
and we read, for example, that Michel Berr, who had done so much 
for Jewish emancipation in France and was, see supra, Secretary of 
the Napoleonic Sanhedrin, petitioned the Congress of Vienna for 
relief. See Sulamith, vol. v, pt. 2, p. 275, quoting one of his letters 
from the Journal de France, October 20, 1818. See his biography, 
by I. Broyde", in " The Jewish Encyclopedia," s. v. 

6 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Jewish soZon-leaders of the day, Fanny von Arnstein, Cecilie 
von Eskeles, Madame Ephraim, Madame Pereyra and Madame 
Herz of Vienna, and Eahel Levin Varnhagen von Ense, and 
Dorothea Mendelssohn von Schlegel, with whom so many of 
the statesmen and potentates assembled were on intimate terms, 
and whose patriotism and intellectual gifts were so much ad- 
mired. Strangely enough, the work of the Congress called the 
husbands of the last-named two, with their wives, to Vienna, 
there to join their scarcely less famous associates. It was 
naturally impossible to meet such brilliant people socially day 
by day, and yet uphold the theory that they were not entitled to 
equal civil and political rights and privileges. 

The Congress of Vienna was in session from about the end 
of September, 1814, until June 9, 1815. An almost innumer- 
able host of potentates and their representatives were in atten- 
dance, so that it was practically impossible to accomplish much 
at formal sessions, and nearly all the work was done at con- 
ferences of four, five or nine great powers, the great majority 
of envoys never being admitted even to any formal session, 
while brilliant social entertainments filled up the time. As 
controversies as to the disposition to be made of Poland and 
Saxony and differences as to establishing a strong German Con- 
federation created almost interminable deadlocks, the Prince 
de Ligne's famous bon mot was justified, le congres danse, 
mais il ne marche pas. Napoleon's escape from Elba and his 
reestablishment hurried its work at the close and left much, 
which might otherwise have been agreed upon, unaccomplished. 
While Metternich, Castlereagh, Wellington, Alexander I, of 
Russia, Prince Hardenberg, Stein, Wilhelm von Humboldt, 
Nesselrode and Talleyrand were probably its chief figures, 
Ward's adoption of von Gagern's statement 10 is substantially 
correct, that the substance of the work of the Congress was 

Supra, p. 580. 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 7 

carried on by a select group of political experts, consisting of 
Wessenberg Clancarty, Dalberg, Humboldt, Gentz and La 
Besnardiere. The subject of Jewish rights came up formally 
chiefly at the sessions of the Committee on German Affairs, at 
the beginning and again at the closing sessions of the Congress, 
the earlier meetings of this Committee having been suspended 
without accomplishing anything substantial. At the sessions of 
the Committee on German Affairs, consisting of representa- 
tives of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover and Wiirttemberg, 
Prince Metternich, on October 16, 1814, submitted a draft of 
twelve articles for a German Constitution on behalf of Austria 
and Prussia as a basis for discussion. 11 Metternich and Baron 
von Wessenberg represented Austria at these conferences, 
Prince Hardenberg and Humboldt, Prussia, and the Count of 
Minister and Count Hardenberg, Hanover, then a British pos- 
session. The draft in question is entitled as offered on behalf 
of Hanover as well as of Austria and Prussia. 1 * Article 2 of 
this Constitution made it one of the purposes of the proposed 
confederation to " safeguard internally the constitutional rights 
of every class of the nation," u and Prince Wrede, the Bavarian 
envoy, at once contended that this phrase seemed to be too 
broad, particularly with respect to the Jews, as it might well 
be considered that they were not to enjoy in a particular state 
equal privileges with the rest. He contented himself with the 
declaration that only constitutional rights were involved, and 
that no sovereign's rights would thereby be curtailed, if such 
rights were not defined in the Constitution, and reiterated these 
objections in a written declaration soon afterwards." At the 

11 Kliiber, supra, vol. ii, p. 79. 

a Kliiber, supra, vol. i, p. 57. See Wilhelm A. Schmidt, Geschichte 
der deutschen Verfassungsfrage, edited by Alfred Stern, Stuttgart, 
1890, pp. 209, 234 and passim. 

" Kliiber, idem. 

" IUd., vol. ii, pp. 80, 91. 

8 American Jewish Historical Society. 

session of October 20, Wiirttemberg also declared that a fuller 
and more definite formulation of the constitutional rights of 
every class of the nation was requisite, 15 in which view Prince 
Metternich acquiesced. 1 " Count Winzingerode also refused to 
consent, by the instructions of the Wiirttemberg Government, 
to such a curtailment of the rights of constituent sovereign 
states," while Count Minister with Count Hardenberg on behalf 
of Hanover emphasized the absolute necessity of defining the 
rights of every German subject." A resolution to define the 
constitutional rights of every subject was thereupon adopted. 1 " 
In December, 1814, Count Wessenberg, an Austrian repre- 
sentative, submitted a new draft, which contained an express, 
though limited, provision in favor of the Jews **; it provided a 
guarantee of equal civil rights for all Christians, namely, 
Catholics, Lutherans and Eeformers, with the further com- 
ment " N". B., the toleration of the Jews is to be here incor- 

u lbid., p. 97. 

19 Ibid., p. 88. 

" Ibid., p. 107. 

u Ibid., vol. ii, p. 107, and vol. i, p. 68 at p. 70. 

19 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 108. 

20 Ibid., vol. ii, pt. 1 at p. 5. See Schmidt's account, supra, pp. 301- 
2, 447-56, 58 et seq., of the efforts to secure provisions for religious 
liberty, and particularly his reference, ibid., p. 302, to an unpub- 
lished letter of Dr. Buchholz, evidently in the Berlin Archives, 
" No. 102. Reclamations des Juifs," urging that Prussia should 
not permit the curtailment of rights already enjoyed by the Jews 
in that country through the power to be conferred on the Bundestag 
by the Constitution. Arneth's Wessenberg, Vienna and Leipzig, 
1898, two volumes, contains much new material regarding Wessen- 
berg's activities at the Congress, based on his diary and corre- 
spondence, but seems to ignore his pro-Jewish activities, though it 
is not unlikely that those documents contain some specific refer- 
ences. See also, A. Fournier, Gentz und Wessenberg, Vienna, 1907. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 9 

It is probable that the Austro-Prussian draft was intended 
to secure liberal provisions for Jewish rights, though purposely 
left vague and indefinite. Prince Hardenberg and Baron 
Wilhelm von Humboldt had long previously espoused the 
Jewish cause, and Metternich and Gentz were friendly disposed 
toward it. Baron Wilhelm von Humboldt already in 1809 had 
prepared a detailed report for the Prussian Government on 
Jewish emancipation in Prussia, going far beyond Dohm's 
famous work, which undoubtedly promoted the passage of the 
Prussian law of 1812, and he had given the subject deep 
thought, and was on intimate terms with prominent Jews and 
Jewesses. Humboldt's report is the ablest, most convincing 
and most profound treatment of the subject known'to me, and 
it is remarkable that then already he emphasized the fact that 
a single state could not by itself satisfactorily solve the 
problem." Prince Hardenberg had been largely responsible 
for the promulgation of the Prussian edict of 1812, which the 
King of Prussia issued only after much urging and with a 
great deal of hesitancy. Smidt, Bremen's representative at the 
Congress of Vienna, in a private letter to the Senate of that 
city, dated October 10, 1817, recently published," reports that 

21 See Appendix A, infra, p. 71, containing a translation of this 
treatise and an outline of Wilhelm von Humboldt's relations to the 
Jews, infra, p. 63. The report is to be found in Wilhelm von Hum- 
boldt's Gesammelte Schriften, edited by B. Gebhardt, Berlin, 1903, 
vol. x, pp. 97-115. Substantially the same document is printed in 
Freund, Die Emanzipation der Juden in Preussen, Berlin, 1912, 
vol. ii, pp. 269-82, to which are added concurring opinions by Hum- 
boldt's associates. See also Gebhardt's Wilhelm von Humboldt als 
Staatsmann, 1894, vol. i, pp. 310-322; Ludwig Geiger's articles on 
Wilhelm von Humboldt und die Juden, in Allgemeine Zeitung des 
Judentums, vol. Ixxvi, pp. 69-70, 593-4. 

"Schwemer, Geschichte der Freien Stadt Frankfurt, vol. 1, 
p. 399. 

10 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Privy Councillor Stagemann M and others in the entourage of 
Prince Hardenberg, had told him that the King of Prussia's 
signature to the edict had been secured only by Hardenberg's 
assurances that the other German states would surely follow 
Prussia's example, and thus the wholesale immigration of Jews 
into Prussia from other German states, where less favorable 
laws prevailed, would be avoided. Smidt adds that the Jews 
were indebted for their protection almost exclusively to Prince 
Hardenberg and the officials immediately under him. 14 This 

"Ludwig Geiger, in Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissen- 
schaft des Judentums, vol. lii, pp. 102-5 (1908), in summarizing 
passages from Stagemann's recently printed correspondence in 
his daughter, Hedwig von Olfers' biography, mentioned the fact 
that Stagemann stated that Baroness von Arnstein was especially 
affable to him on January 12, 1815, when he had just prepared 
a particularly satisfactory resolution for the Congress in favor 
of the Jewish communities of Hamburg, Bremen and Lubeck. 
Stagemann also noted his friend Hedemann's surprise on learn- 
ing that the members of the Arnstein family and Mariamne Saaling 
were not baptized. Many excerpts from Stagemann's pen throwing 
light on the Jewish salons of Vienna of this time may be found in 
Regina Neiszer's review, Aus vergangenen Tagen, in Allgemeine 
Zeitung des Judentums, vol. Ixxiii, pp. 476-8 (1909), of this same 
work, Hedwig von Olfers, Ein LebensUld, Berlin, 1908. Doubtless, 
influence was also exerted through Jacob Salomon Bartholdy of 
the Prussian delegation in favor of Jewish emancipation. Bar- 
tholdy was a nephew of Mmes. Arnstein and Eskeles, and of David 
Friedlander, and a grandson of Daniel Itzig, one of the royal 
Prussian bankers, of Berlin, and he himself was a lieutenant in the 
Viennese militia, 1812-13, soon thereafter becoming Prussian 
Consul-General at Rome. See, as to him, von Gagern's Mein 
Antheil an der Politik, vol. iii, pp. 311-5, and the biography in 
" The Jewish Encyclopedia." 

* See, for a contemporaneous Lubeck confirmation of this state- 
ment, Carlebach's Geschichte der Juden in Lubeck und Moisling, 
Lubeck, 1898, p. 68. Alfred Stern's interesting Abhandlungen und 
Aktenstucke, pp. 260, 261, shows that the King himself at the 
eleventh hour made unfavorable changes in the edict of 1812, and 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 11 

was assigned as one of the chief grounds for Hardenberg's 
efforts to secure Jewish emancipation for all Germany at the 
Congress of Vienna. It appears, however, that two years later, 
in October, 1817, the King of Prussia in writing instructed 
Hardenberg to cease advocating the Jewish cause on behalf of 
Prussia as against Frankfort at the Bundestag" 

On January 4, 1815, Prince Hardenberg wrote a strong 
letter in favor of the Jews to Count Grothe, Prussian Envoy 
at Hamburg, at the instance of Dr. Buchholz, their representa- 
tive. 2 * He referred to the efforts being made at the Congress 
of Vienna on behalf of the Jews of Hamburg, Bremen and 
Liibeck for full and equal rights, and also mentioned the 

influence which Jewish houses exert upon the system of credit and 
commerce of the various German states, which cannot escape the 
notice of the Congress. 

He stated that the restrictions recently imposed by the three 
designated cities on Jewish rights have all the more aroused 
his interest, as they are quite regardless of the future determi- 
nations of the Congress, and wholly inconsistent with the 
principles of the Prussian edict of March 11, 1812. He added 
the following cogent passages : 

The fate of the Jews in the remaining provinces and cities of the 
northern part of Germany cannot, since the enactment of the 
Prussian law, be a matter of indifference to the Prussian state, for 
continuing oppression and abhorred exclusion from rights, to 
which they are entitled as men, preserves a condition of immo- 
rality which has been made a reproach to them. The intention of 
our Government to extinguish the traces of prejudice, which has 
arisen merely from despicable and slavish treatment, by accord- 
ing to them participation in all civil rights and duties, has been 

Freund, supra, pp. 205, 206, confirms this. Compare Lewin, 
Judengesetzgebung Friedrich Wilhelms II, in Monatsschrift 
fiir die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, vol. Ivii 

25 Schwemer, supra, vol. i, p. 280 ; see also, infra, pp. 47, 48. 

* Kliiber, supra, vol. i, pt. 4, pp. 77-80. 

12 American Jewish Historical Society. 

frustrated. Moreover, the history of the past war against France 
has shown that they have become worthy, through true devotion, 
of the state which has taken them up. The young men of the 
Jewish faith have been companions in arms of their Christian 
fellow-citizens, and we have to point to examples of true courage 
and vaunted disregard of the perils of war among them, as well 
as among the rest of the inhabitants, and their women also, in 
particular, have mingled with the Christians in sacrifices of every 

If in other parts of northern Germany, the previously hostile 
system of treating the Jews continues, it must necessarily militate 
unfavorably against the spirit of the Prussian Jews, and retard 
their progress among us also, in view of the relations in which the 
families stand to each other, and particularly in view of immigra- 
tion and intermarriage. Your Excellency is therefore respect- 
fully urged by me to indicate the attitude of the Prussian Govern- 
ment in this respect towards the Jewish inhabitants of Hamburg, 
Bremen and Liibeck, and to induce the magistrates and corpora- 
tions of these cities to pursue the course, with respect to a repeal 
of measures operating prejudicially toward the Jews, which the 
Prussian state adopted through the edict of March 11, 1812, equally 
at the behests of humanity and the requirements of the time, and 
in accord with a prudent system of state policy. In addition, it 
will not have been overlooked by your Excellency, as I have 
myself already remarked in promoting the disposition of our 
Government, that the commercial interests of the cities them- 
selves suggest a milder treatment of their Jewish inhabitants, as 
they would, after all, not succeed in depriving the Jewish houses 
of their already acquired wealth, and continued persecution would 
merely incline the Jews to remove with their capital, which is so 
valuable to the Hanseatic towns, to other cities, in which the 
same rights as the Christian inhabitants possess would be accorded 
to them. Looking forward to early advices as to the results of 
your efforts 

Vienna, January 4, 1815. 
To the Royal Representative, 


" On the same day that he wrote this letter Prince Hardenberg 
furnished a copy of it to Dr. Buchholz, and assured him that his 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 13 

Similarly, in answer to the petition by Jacob Baruch and 
G. G. Uffenheim on behalf of the Frankfort Jewish commu- 
nity, dated Vienna, May 12, 1815, Prince Hardenberg 
wrote : * 

With respect to your memorial of the 12th of this month, on 
behalf of the Jewish inhabitants of Frankfort-on-the-Main, I have 
no hesitancy in advising you that, in view of the compact 
entered into by the Jewish inhabitants of Frankfort with their 
former sovereign on December 28, 1811, and performed on their 
part, they are justified in assuming that they do not require 
Prussian intercession on their behalf at the Congress at all, as it 
cannot be doubted that the status of the Frankfort Jewish com- 
munity is legally established and lawfully fixed. 

In as far, however, as the Jewish residents of the city of Frank- 
fort seek to extend their civil rights beyond the compact made 
with their former sovereign, I would advise you to await the action 
of the Congress with respect to the civil rights of the Jews in 
Germany, and meanwhile to rest all the more assured of support 
from this quarter, as Prussia has already been in the van in adopt- 
ing a special law in favor of her Jewish subjects. 


Vienna, May 18, 1815. 

The recipients of these letters, however, would have had little 
opportunity to argue in Vienna in support of their mission, had 
Austrian official support not been accorded to them, for we learn 
from a work, published as late as 1913 by A. Fournier, Die 
Qeheimpolizei auf dem Wiener Kongress" that soon after 

efforts at the Congress would command his support, Carlebach, 
supra, p. 67. Some weeks later, February 13, 1815, L. I* 
von Hofner, Austrian charge d'affaires at Hamburg, wrote in a 
sharper but similar strain to the Hanseatic towns at the direction 
of his court, ibid., pp. 68-9. In the course of his letter to Lubeck he 
referred to the measures for Jewish emancipation as being de- 
manded by " the dictates of humanity, the requirements of the 
time and a system of fatherly affection on the part of the state." 

28 Kliiber, supra, vol. vi, pp. 415-8. 

n Pp. 207-8. 

14 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Baruch and Gumprecht arrived in Vienna, a member of the 
secret police service, on October 27, 1814, recommended their 
immediate explusion, as a simple device to end their pro-Jewish 
propaganda ! It is interesting to learn from these records that 
it was Mayer Amschel Eothschild, in conjunction with Gum- 
precht, who had induced the Prince-Primate in 1811 to make 
the compact with the Jews of Frankfort, which the city was 
now repudiating, and that Gumprecht was constantly their 
delegate and spokesman. It is stated that he was a Prussian 
by birth, had studied for several years at the Universities of 
Jena and Gottingen, and had lived at Frankfort with his wife 
for eight years. 

Jacob Baruch, Ludwig Boerne's father, Gumprecht's fellow- 
delegate, was also a man of standing and ability, and Ludwig 
Boerne prepared several elaborate treatises, shortly before the 
Congress met, on the subject of the rights of the Jews of 
Frankfort. 1 " 

Gutzkow, in his life of Boerne, referred to the fact that 
Baruch, the father, is supposed to have been a schoolmate of 
Metternich, and rendered him politico-diplomatic services from 
time to time, and that the Jewish community of Frankfort 
tendered Baruch a present of 8000 ft. for his work at the Con- 
gress. Baruch refused to accept the gift. Ludwig Geiger in his 
edition of Boerne's works, published a note on Jacob Baruch's 
career and character.* 1 Baruch's activities at the Congress and 
the intervention of the Eothschild family in favor of Jewish 
emancipation, are well described by Karl Varnhagen von Ense, 
the husband of the famous Eahel Levin, who was himself one 
of Prince Hardenberg's subordinates. Varnhagen in his 

* They were published, with notes, in vols. iv and v of Zeitschrift 
filr die Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland, as Jugendarbeiten 
Ludwig Boerne's iiber judische Dinge, by G. Schnapper-Arndt; 
see infra, pp. 44-5. 

81 Berlin, 1913, vol. ix. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 15 

Denkwiirdigkeiten" in writing on the Congress of Vienna 

Though the power of the house of Rothschild was then only in 
a formative stage, nevertheless its support of the demands of the 
Frankfort Jews for citizenship there, as well as of the Jews in 
general for universal German citizenship, stood them in good 
stead. To that cause Jacob Baruch devoted himself particularly, 
a brave and fine man, the father of the subsequently famous 
Boerne, and advocacy of the Jews of Lubeck was entrusted to 
Dr. Buchholz. This cause was impressed upon me strongly from 
various sides, but came before me officially only incidentally. 

Much interesting information regarding Jewish activities at 
the Congress is contained in Dr. S. Carlebach's Geschichte der 
Juden in Lubeck und Moisting, based largely on an examina- 
tion of the congregational archives of that city, although 
access to the municipal archives was refused to him. Moses 
Bloch of Lubeck took the lead in the work of endeavoring to 
keep in force the French, pro-Jewish, enactments, and excerpts 
from his correspondence with others active in the cause are 
published by Carlebach.* 3 He turned first for advice to David 
Friedlander of Berlin, the distinguished champion of Kefonn, 
who had been active in the Prussian movement for Jewish 
emancipation and was married to another daughter of Itzig. 8 * 
Bloch was also in close correspondence with Jacob Oppenhei- 
mer of Hamburg, who acted as chairman of a joint committee 
of the Jewish communities of the Hanseatic towns, formed at 

Vol. iii, p. 255. " P. 61 et seg. 

** See I. H. Hitter, " David Friedlander," vol. ii, in his Geschichte 
der jiidischen Reformation, 1861; " The Jewish Encyclopedia," s. v., 
David Friedlander, and works there cited ; Appendix A, I, infra, p. 
67; and Ludwig Geiger's history of the Jews of Berlin; Freund's 
Die Emanzipation der Juden in Preussen, Berlin, 1912; Lewin's 
Die Judengesetzgebung Friedrich Wilhelms II, in Monatsschrift, 
supra; Adolf Kohut, Alexander von Humboldt und die Juden, Leip- 
zig, 1871, pp. 68-95, and in Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. 
Ixxiii, pp. 247-51, 262, 263, 284-6; Ludwig Geiger, Vortrdge und 
Versuche, Dresden, 1890, pp. 87-9, 131-52, 224, 225, 242, 243, 269, 270. 

16 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Friedlander's suggestion." A niece of Oppenheimer subse- 
quently married Francis Lieber, 88 and a son married Dr. Buch- 
holz's daughter. * The invitations to attend the joint confer- 
ence of representatives of the Jewish communities of Ham- 
burg, Bremen and Liibeck were signed by Notary Bresselau of 
Hamburg, who subsequently rendered valuable services in 
modernizing the Jews of Germany. It appears that a member 
of the Hamburg branch of the Schiff family was also active in 
the conferences on Jewish emancipation held in connection 
with the Congress of Vienna. 

The printed memorial submitted by Dr. Buchholz was an 
able plea for Jewish emancipation. In addition to following 
the outlines of Dohm's famous work of 1781, it incorporated 
cogent arguments based upon emancipatory laws meanwhile 
enacted, and emphasized in some detail the patriotism of the 
Jews in the Napoleonic Wars. It is a booklet of 157 pages, 
with a preface of four pages, dated Vienna, December, 1814. 
Dr. Buchholz, as shown by the diary of Friedrich von Gentz, 
was in constant communication concerning the subject of 
Jewish rights with him during the Congress beginning April 
16, 1815. At several of these conferences Humboldt partici- 
pated.** Carlebach published much interesting information 
about Buchholz and his work ** ; at his own instance, Buchholz 

" Carlebach, supra, p. 62, letter of August 20, 1814. See M. M. 
Haarbleicher, Zwei Epochen aits der Geschichte der deutsch- 
israelitischen Gemeinde in Hamburg, Hamburg, 1867, p. 122 et seq. 

"Isler's Gabriel Riesser, 1867, p. 587; Perry's " Lieber," vol. i, 
pp. 68, 82, 86, 390. 

* T Carlebach, supra, p. 97. 

88 Gentz, TageMcher, vol. i, pp. 372, 380, 381, 382, 383, 385, 386. 

" Pp. 56, 63 et seq. See also, Buchholz's biography in " The Jew- 
ish Encyclopedia," which unfortunately overlooked Carlebach's 
book. A long and favorable review of Buchholz's work appeared 
in the semi-official Oesterreichischer Beobachter, March 2, 1815, 
reprinted in Sulamith, vol. iv, pt & pp. 178-87, which probably 
greatly helped the Jewish cause. 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 17 

had previously espoused the Jewish cause and written in favor 
of emancipation, including a valuable 64-page work, Ueber die 
Aufnahme der jiidischen Glaubensgenossen zum Burgerrecht* 

Some weeks prior to this, von Gentz had a conference on 
March 9, with Simon Edler von Lamel of Prague, the dis- 
tinguished Jewish patriot, 41 and he accepted a commission from 
him to urge Jewish emancipation at the Congress. Pursuant 
thereto he held numerous conferences with Lamel, and pre- 
pared a memorial in favor of Jewish emancipation. 4 * More- 
over, one of von Gentz's closest Viennese friends and associates 
was the banker Leopold Herz, and he was possibly the 
husband of LameFs famous daughter, Elise von Lamel-Herz, 
both of whom are the subjects of articles in " The Jewish 
Encyclopedia/' ** 

The enormous social influence of the Herz family upon the 
leaders of the Congress is indicated by references in von Gentz's 
diary to dinners at their house during its sessions which he 
attended. For instance, under date of February 2, 1815, 44 

"Liibeck, 1814. 

* l TageMcher, supra, p. 363. 

43 Ibid., pp. 365, 371, 374, 382, 383, 385, 386, 389. See Wilhelm und 
Caroline von Humboldt in ihren Briefen, edited by A. von Sydow, 
vol. iv, pp. 565-7; W. Alison Phillips' sketch of Gentz in "The 
Encyclopaedia Britannica," eleventh edition, vol. xi. 

u See as to Lamel, Wolf's Geschichte der Juden in Wien, Vienna, 
1876, p. 106; Der jiidische Plutarch, Vienna, 1848, vol. i, pp. 118-30; 
a lengthy necrology in the supplement to No. 40 of the Allge- 
meine Zeitung des Judentums for 1845, by Dr. G., a Catholic; 
" The Jewish Encyclopedia," and infra, p. 33 ; Ludwig Geiger, 
Vortrage und Versuche, supra, pp. 219, 266.. Wolf also prints 
references to the Herz family. 

44 Tagebiicher, supra, p. 354. A long and interesting account of 
this dinner and the reception that followed is given in Aus Karl 
von Nostiszs Leben und Briefwechsel, Dresden, 1848, pp. 166-8. 
This shows that Wellington here made his first appearance at the 
Congress of Vienna and all the world rushed in to see the famous 
hero. Herz is there described as Wellington's banker. 

18 American Jewish Historical Society. 

von Gentz mentions dining at the house of Herz with the Duke 
of Wellington, Lord Castlereagh, Lord Clancarty, Prince 
Metternich, Prince Talleyrand, Prince Wentzel Liechtenstein, 
Count Lowenhelra, Count Palmella, General Roller, General 
Czernitscheff, Count Charles Zichy, and others. Fournier's 
records of the secret police 45 contain some of the comments 
that passed current regarding this famous dinner at the Jewish 
banker's. Gentz also refers to his meeting the gifted Dorothea 
Mendelssohn von Schlegel, daughter of Moses Mendelssohn, 
during these sessions.** The reference to Dorothea Schlegel 
is a convenient one with which to couple the provision regard- 
ing Jewish rights which her distinguished husband, Friedrich 
von Schlegel, then in the Austrian service, inserted in his draft 
of a German Constitution, for consideration by the Congress, 
in March, 1815. It read: 47 

Article IV, 3. In order that the benefit of religious liberty 
shall finally be enjoyed by all the inhabitants of the various Ger- 
man Confederated States, and no class within the same shall be 
considered as disregarded and excluded in this matter by the 
Fatherland, the Israelites also, throughout the dominions of the 
German Confederacy, shall receive complete civil rights. All dis- 

** Supra, p. 377 et seq. 

* See Henriette Herz's account of her in Fiirst, Henriette Herz, 
and Kayserling, Jiidische Frauen. Some charming letters written 
by her during the Congress are printed in Dr. J. M. Raich's 
Dorothea v. Schlegel und deren Sohne, Johannes u. Philipp Veit, 
Mainz, 1881, and there are many appreciative references to her in 
Humboldt's correspondence. See Appendix A, I, infra, pp. 65-8; 
"The Jewish Encyclopedia," s. v., Mendelssohn (Dorothea) ; Hensel, 
DieFamilie Mendelssohn; Unger, Brief e von Dorothea und Wilhelm 
Schlegel an die Familie Paulus, 1913, and the works cited in the 
bibliography; Ludwig Geiger's character study, in Dichter und 
Frauen, Berlin, 1896, pp. 128-150, also in Deutsche Rundschau, vol. 
clx, pp. 119-134 (1914). 

41 Pertz's Leben des Ministers Freiherrn von Stein, vol. iv, p. 420, 
vol. ii, part 2, p. 32; see Mejer, Zur Geschichte der romisch- 
deutschen Frage, 1885. 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 19 

tinctions and disabilities conflicting with the rights of citizen- 
ship, under which they have till now labored, shall from now on 
cease and be wholly terminated; on the other hand, the Israelites 
shall be subject to military service in the same manner as other 
citizens, and as has been the practice in most of the German 
states during the period immediately past. 

Most prominent among the social festivities during the 
Congress, with the sole exception of official functions, were 
those given by Baroness Fanny von Arnstein, wife of the 
wealthy banker, Nathan von Arnstein, of the firm of Arnstein 
and Eskeles, her sister, Madame Eskeles,, being a close second. 
They were the daughters of Daniel Itzig and their homes were 
the centres of activity for the Prussian representatives in par- 
ticular, though nearly all the prominent statesmen of the 
Congress were their guests from time to time. Varnhagen 
von Ense in his account of the Congress of Vienna " mentions 
the fact that Madame von Arnstein's salon was frequented by 
Cardinal Consalvi, Prince Hardenberg, Wellington, Capodis- 
trias and Pozzo di Borgo, and he published a fine tribute to 
this high-minded, patriotic Jewess, as also a detailed sketch of 
her associates, Sara and Mariane Meyer, who became Frau 
von Grotthus and Frau von Eybenburg respectively/' Goethe 
was an admirer of the former. Dr. Kayserling, in his 
Jiidische Frauen, published long and sympathetic accounts of 
these brilliant Jewesses, which Berdrow's biography of Eahel 
Levin Varnhagen supplements. The same service is rendered 
by the collections of von Gentz's correspondence published very 

48 Denkwurdigkeit en, vol. iii, p. 237; see Hedwig von Olfers, 

"Ibid., pp. 407-16, 635. See, for Sarah and Mariane Meyer, the 
detailed bibliography in Ludwig Geiger, Vortrage und Versuche, 
supra, pp. 219, 220, 267, and Varnhagen's collection of twenty-five 
letters from Goethe to Madame von Grotthus in Denkwurdig- 
keiten, vol. iv. 

20 American Jewish Historical Society. 

recently, especially that with Brinkmann." Gentz reports the 
Prince de Ligne's bon mot regarding Baron von Arnstein's 
elevation to a baronetcy in 1804 that he was le premier baron 
du Vieux Testament* The volume of secret-police reports," 
contains a report of an entertainment given by Baroness von 
Arnstein on January 10, 1815, attended by the Prince of 
Prussia, Cardinal Consalvi, Prince Trauttmansdorff, Prince 
Hardenberg, Prince Hessen-Homburg, Count Capodistrias, 
Count Keller, Count Solms, Countess Bernstorff, and others 
and adds : 

People say that Madame von Arnstein planned to have her 
tableaux mouvants surpass even those of the Court and that she 
accomplished her purpose. 

Other brilliant Jewish salons of Vienna at this period were 
those of Madames Pereyra, Ephraim, and Levy. The banker 
Geymuller is also described in some of the histories of the 
time as a Jew, but this seems to be a mistake. Of course, 

w Edited by Wittichen, 1910. See Landsberg, Henriette Herz, 
Weimar, 1913; G. Heinrici, Brief e von Henriette Herz an Twesten 
in Zeitschrift fur Biicherfreunde, new series, vol. v, pt. 2, 301-16, 
333-47 (1914) ; Hahn in Nord und Siid, October, 1892; Adolf Kohut, 
Alexander von Humboldt und die Juden; Wurzbach, Bio- 
graphisches Lexikon, s. v., Franziska von Arnstein; Wilhelm von 
Humboldt's correspondence with Henriette Herz in Aus dem Nach- 
lassVarnhagen von Ense's; Brief e von Chamisso, etc., Leipzig, 1867, 
vol. i, pp. 21-133; Sydow, Wilhelm und Caroline Humboldt in ihren 
Brief en, seven volumes, Berlin, 1907-14; Grunwald, Oesterreich's 
Juden in den BefreiungsJcriegen, Leipzig, 1908; idem., Die Feld- 
zilge Napoleons, Vienna and Leipzig, 1913; Hedwig von Olfers, 
supra; Ebstein, Drei neue Bucher ilber Rahel Levin [biographies 
by Ellen Key, Bertha Badt and A. Weldler-Steinberg], in Monats- 
schrift, supra, vol. Iviii, p. 385 et seq; also infra, pp. 64-9. 

n Brief e an und von Gustav von Brinkmann, etc., supra, p. 218; 
compare pp. 97-9. 

B Fournier, supra, p. 339. See also, Memoiren des k. pr. Generals 
Ludwig Freiherrn von Wolzogen, Leipzig, 1851, p. 275. 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 21 

all this social influence was potent upon the deliberations of 
the Congress. 

Keturning to Kliiber's protocol of the debates at the Con- 
gress, the Committee on German Affairs resumed its sessions 
in the spring of 1815, and in the interim Prince Hardenberg's 
letter to the Hamburg envoy (pp. 11-12) had been written. We 
supplement the protocol particularly by reference to Schmidt's 
work, cited above, and the recently published municipal records 
of Frankfort H containing original contemporary reports from 
the leaders of the opposition to Jewish emancipation, Danz of 
Frankfort, and Smidt of Bremen, and the Jewish records of 
Liibeck contained in Dr. Carlebach's history. Early in April, 
1815, Humboldt and Prince Hardenberg submitted a new draft 
of a constitution, prepared by the former, 54 which, in Article IX, 
expressly provided for unrestricted religious liberty. In view 
of opposition Prussia, on April 22, 1815, offered a new and 
much less satisfactory draft, analyzed in Schmidt's work on 
the basis of the MS. original in the Berlin archives, but over- 
looked by Kliiber. It provided : 

The three Christian denominations shall enjoy equal rights in 
all German states, and adherents of the Jewish faith, in as far as 
they assume the duties of citizenship, shall have accorded to them 
corresponding rights, which, independently of their religious 
relations and political influence and activity in public offices (on 
which points determination by separate state constitutions is 
reserved) shall be equal to those of other citizens." 
This was superseded May 1, by a new draft, which provided 
in 9 : " 

The three Christian denominations shall enjoy equal rights in 
all German states, and adherents of the Jewish faith, in as far as 

"Schwemer, supra, vol. i, p. 136 et seq., vol. ii; Johann Smidt: 
Ein Gedenkbuch, Bremen, 1873; B. Schulze-Smidt, Bur germeister 
Johann Smidt, Bremen, 1914. 

"Kltiber, supra, vol. i, part 4, pp. 104-111; Schmidt, supra, pp. 

M Schmidt, ibid., p. 449. 

" Kliiber, supra, vol. ii, p. 305. 

22 American Jewish Historical Society. 

they assume the duties of citizenship, shall have accorded to them 
corresponding civil rights. 

Austria proposed a new draft the same month, Article XVII 
of which, after first establishing equal rights for Christian 
denominations, provided : 8T 

Persons of the Jewish faith shall remain in the enjoyment of 
their already acquired rights, and are declared capable of securing 
civil rights in as far as they assume the performance of the 
duties of citizenship. 

Humboldt criticized this clause as follows : M 

To declare the Jews capable of acquiring rights is no apt term 
in a constitution. If they are declared capable, it is necessary 
also to grant the rights, and then it will again be too much to 
speak in general terms of civil rights. The Prussian version 
permits greater latitude, and yet it is more definite and more 
useful for the Jews. The guarantee of already acquired rights will 
give rise to much objection and even dispute in states where gov- 
ernments have adopted the French principles. 

On May 23, 1815, Prince Metternich submitted a new draft 
on behalf of Austria and Prussia in the light of these criticisms, 
and it provided in Article XIV : M 

Adherents of the Jewish faith shall receive, in as far as they 
assume performance of all the duties of citizens, corresponding 
rights of citizenship, and to the extent that this reform shall con- 
travene state constitutions, the members of the Confederation 
declare that they will endeavor as far as possible to remove these 

Previously, on May 5, 1815, Smidt reported his employment 
in private conversation of the following extraordinary line of 
reasoning regarding the claims of the Jews of Frankfort : "" 

The Jews of Frankfort were, it is true, in a much better situation 
than those in the other cities, for it is well known that by the 

"Ibid., p. 313; Schmidt, supra, pp. 453-4. 

" Schmidt, ibid., pp. 462, 463. 

"Ibid., pp. 320, 341. 

Schwemer, supra, vol. i, p. 136 et seg. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 23 

expenditure of large sums of money they had purchased full civil 
rights in Frankfort from the Grand Duke, who was no mere 
usurper but a universally recognized sovereign. But one must 
recognize that civil rights in a republic are entirely different from 
civil rights in a monarchical state. The former the Grand Duke 
had neither been capable, nor desirous, of selling, and the Jews 
had not secured them through the purchase, but merely had ob- 
tained municipal rights. 

An account of the proceedings at the conference of the " United 
Princes and Cities " is " as follows.: 

Smidt had also succeeded in inducing the " United Princes and 
Cities," that is, all who were represented in the negotiations by a 
deputation merely, jointly to urge that the Jewish matter should 

be referred to the future Bundestag In his report of the 

reading of the Austrian-Prussian provision on May 23 [above 
quoted], he noted how he had prepared the attitude of the 
hearers : " When the point regarding the reference of the Jewish 
matter came up, Count Rechberg first of all began to laugh, and 
the laughter became contagious and was followed by all in turn 
with a couple of exceptions. Among those not laughing the 
Prussian Humboldt surely was to be found. The latter was very 
much annoyed over the obstacle which the Prussian plan encoun- 
tered, and he did not conceal his antagonism from Smidt either; 
he said he would surely not permit the reference [to the Bundes- 
tag], and advised Smidt to say nothing regarding it. The provi- 
sion was unfavorable enough for the Jews, and his wing had con- 
tented itself with it most unwillingly. No one compelled the cities 
to accept new Jews as citizens, but those who already were located 
there must be treated properly. Smidt would only compromise 
himself if he took the matter up, and he, Humboldt, would in that 
event, proceed vigorously against the designs of the cities. Smidt 
prudently avoided Prussian anger by keeping in the background 
during the debate; he reserved matters for the chief battle." 

* Schwemer, supra, p. 138. That the free cities were not able 
to preserve their independence without a struggle, at Vienna, fur- 
ther appears from a letter of Humboldt to his wife, dated December 
8, 1814, regarding Frankfort and indicating that Bavaria had 
designs, favored by Metternich, upon her territory. See von 
Sydow, supra, vol. iv, p. 435. 

24 American Jewish Historical Society. 

On May 26, 1815, in discussing Article XIV of the Austro- 
Prussian draft, Bavaria urged that the article did not belong 
in the Constitution, and that matters that did not relate to 
internal regulations were to be referred to the Diet. Hessen- 
Darmstadt did not believe that the Jewish clause belonged in 
the German Constitution, but merely in the organic act. The 
representatives of the princes declared that the rights of the 
Jews should not be determined in the first Constitution, and 
might be considered in connection with Articles XVI or XVII, 
and that the subject be referred to the Diet merely."* Holstein 
declared that the status of the Jews should not be treated in the 
Constitution, and in no event would its delegates regard them- 
selves as bound thereby. At the fifth conference on May 31, 
the matter came up again.* 4 Austria and Prussia insisted that 
the principles to underlie the treatment of the Jews should 
not be left for determination to the Diet to meet at Frankfort, 
as indicated by some prior votes, but should be settled at once, 
because they were an important subject of general interest, 
the purposes of which could be accomplished only through uni- 
formly adopted legislation. But as the terms " reform " and 
" rights of citizenship " seemed to arouse some objection, they 
suggested substituting for " reform " the word " improve- 
ment," and instead of " rights of citizenship," in order to avoid 
misunderstanding, "civil rights." The Hanoverian repre- 
sentatives declared that they supported the article proposed un- 
conditionally, because the limitations it contained left it to the 
desires of the individual governments to determine to what 
extent they would modify, in accordance with the best interests 
of the state, their subsisting restrictions upon the Jews, stand- 
ing in the way of Jewish admission to citizenship. 

Kliiber, supra, vol. ii, p. 365. 

" See ibid., pp. 378-9; for Holstein gee p. 365. 

" Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 440-1. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna, and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 25 

Upon the basis of this declaration not only many of the en- 
voys, including Electoral Hessen, Luxemburg, Gotha, Schaum- 
burg-Lippe, Waldeck, and Nassau, voted expressly in favor of 
the clause, but the representative of the Grand Duke of Hessen 
joined the majority ; and Holstein, for reasons now reiterated 
in writing, Liibeck, Bremen and Frankfort voted for a refer- 
ence of the subject, in view of its importance, to the Frankfort 
Diet. It was, however the next day resolved to make another 
effort to secure unanimity for a new version. The two Bern- 
storffs, on behalf of the Danish province of Holstein, in the 
written declaration referred to," emphasized Denmark's 
friendly attitude toward the Jews, but failed attention to their 
lack of instructions on the point, and hence favored a reference 
to the Diet. In the contingency of the conference desiring 
immediate action, however, they suggested a general clause, 
substantially like the following : 

Adherents of the Jewish faith, in as far as they assume the 
duties of citizenship, shall he assured a firm civil status, which the 
Bundesversammlung shall define more specifically. 

At the session of June 1, 1815,* 8 in view of the plan to 
secure unanimity for a new version, the following clause was 
submitted and approved : 

The Diet shall consider how the civil amelioration of the 
adherents of the Jewish faith in Germany can be effected in the 
most uniform manner possible, and particularly how the enjoy- 
ment of civil rights can be assured to them in exchange for their 
acceptance of all the duties of citizenship in the Confederated 
States. However, until then, adherents of that faith shall enjoy 
the rights heretofore accorded to them in the several states. 

The Danish representatives for Holstein, the Bernstorffs, 
submitted at this session a more definite draft to evidence 

Ibid., pp. 450-1. 
., pp. 465-7. 

26 American Jewish Historical Society. 

their desire to go in this matter as far as possible without 
instructions. This draft provided : " 

Adherents of the Jewish faith, in as far as they assume the 
duties of citizenship, are guaranteed civil laws protecting them, 
with respect to the rights accorded to them, against perse- 
cution, oppression, arbitrary conduct and expulsion on the part 
of the legislature. 

A commission of two to edit the text of the Constitution, 
and report the next day, was appointed, and unfortunately, 
Senator Smidt, the leading opponent of Jewish rights, as well 
as President von Berg of Schaumburg-Lippe, became the mem- 
bers of this committee. 8 * Danz, the representative of Frankfort, 
had meanwhile protested in writing vigorously against this 
clause, and attempted to reserve the right of not being bound 
thereby, and the representative of Electoral Hessen also ob- 
jected in general terms. 70 At the next conference, on June 2, it 
was decided to preface to this clause a declaration of equal 
fights for adherents of the Catholic and Evangelical churches." 
Saxony, in writing, objected to the inclusion of the Jewish pro- 
vision, giving it preference there over others, declared by it to be 

"Ibid., pp. 456, 463. 

"Ibid., p. 457. Family letters written by Smidt during the 
Congress and just published in the work of B. Schulze-Smidt, 
supra, indicate that he and his wife were on not unfriendly terms 
with Jews at Vienna. Thus, on September 28, 1814, he wrote (p. 
334) : " Mine [his wife] makes new acquaintances daily among 

Christians, Jews and Turks With the Pilats and Schlegels we 

frequently have very agreeable intercourse." A few days later 
he made similar remarks about Varnhagen and his newly wedded 
wife, Rahel, who dined with the Smidts (p. 337), and previously, 
April 29, 1814, he wrote this from Paris, which is puzzling for that 
early date: "I live here in Paris, for the Jews an annoyance, 
for the Greeks a piece of stupidity " (p. 311). 

" Ibid., pp. 463-4. 

70 Ibid., pp. 464-5. 

" Ibid., p. 471. 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 27 

equally important, and urged that at least the clause con- 
tinuing already acquired rights should be omitted." The new 
draft was submitted 7 * but not discussed till the 3d of June, 
when this clause, now 16, was provisionally approved, despite 
the opposition of Saxony, Bavaria and Hessen-Darmstadt/ 4 
while Bremen contended that this would not validate the 
French laws regarding the Jews in the 32d French Military 
Division which had included that city. At the session of 
June 8, 1815," Bavaria once more objected to the article 
concerning the Jews, and the phrase " by the several states " 
was substituted for "in the several states/' in the passage 
in Article XVI "continuing" Jewish rights, "heretofore 
accorded to them in the several states," till the Diet acted, 
on the ground that such a modification had been " previously 
acceptable," T * which fateful change of phraseology at the time 
attracted no attention. Frankfort's representative, in a memo- 
randum dated June 5, 1815, expressing gratitude over the 
recognition of the independence of the city, qualified his earlier 
protests regarding the Jewish clause by stating that he had 
made them only to avoid misunderstanding." The Constitu- 
tion of the German Confederation was signed June 8, 1815, 
and Article XVI, referred to, read as follows : " 

The different Christian sects in the countries and territories of 
the German Confederation shall not experience any difference in 
the enjoyment of civil and political rights. The Diet shall con- 
sider of the means of effecting, in the most uniform manner, an 
amelioration in the civil state of those who profess the Jewish 

n lbid., pp. 471, 477-9. See also, d'Angeberg, Le Congr&s de 
Vienne, Paris, 1815, four vols., vol. iii, p. 1319. 

w Kliiber, ibid., pp. 472, 490. 

14 Ibid., pp. 501-2. 

Ibid., p. 535 ; compare, p. 502. 

Ibid., vol. ii, p. 535. 

" Ibid., p. 542. 

"Ibid., pp. 587, 610-11; English rendering from Herstlet's "Map 
of Europe by Treaty," rol. i, p. 205. 


28 American Jewish Historical Society. 

religion in Germany, and shall pay particular attention to the 
measures by which the enjoyment of civil rights shall be secured 
and guaranteed to them in the Confederated States, upon condi- 
tion, however, of their submitting to all the obligations imposed 
upon other citizens. In the meantime the privileges already 
granted to that sect by any particular state shall be secured to 

Friends of Jewish emancipation thought that they had won 
a good fight in securing a declaration in favor of amelioration 
to be carried out by the Diet, but, in the meantime, a preser- 
vation of rights theretofore accorded. Gentz made an entry 
in his diary on June 9, 1815. 

I/affaire des juifs hereusement termine'e; 1'acte de la conf6d6r- 
ation ayant 6t6 signe" hier, sans que 1'article qui les concerne, ait 
e"t6 6branle\ 

Prince Hardenberg and Metternich also, soon after, so ex- 
pressed themselves in writing. But the contemporaneous 
private letters to the Frankfort public authorities from their 
representative indicate that Smidt deliberately made the 
apparently merely stylistic change from " in " to " by," radi- 
cally changing the sense, as was thereafter contended. Smidt 
expressed himself privately as well satisfied. 80 In fact, Kliiber, 
in his work Uebersicht der diplomatischen Verhandlungen des 
Wiener Congresses in the chapter on Jewish Eights tt said : 

Senator Smidt, the representative of the free Hanseatic town 
of Bremen, had, at a session prior to June 8, proposed the substi- 
tution of " by " for " in " with particular reference to this point. 

w Supra, p. 385. 

80 Schwemer, supra, pp. 140-1. 

81 Pp. 375-96, 384, note. This work is obviously that of an anti- 
Jewish partisan, and Kliiber seems to have adopted this attitude 
already during the sessions of the Congress. As the leading writer 
on the Congress he greatly injured the Jewish cause. See also the 
Jewish references in his Oeffentliches Recht des deutschen Bundes 
und der Bundesstaaten, edition of 1840, pp. 216b, 232, 465, 467e, 
516, 525, 529. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Eohler. 29 

Bavaria and Saxony had supported his proposition and the rest 
did not oppose, but this was not inserted in the protocol. 

Kliiber added a note that this omission had occurred " perhaps 
by accident," evidently reflecting on von Gentz's pro-Jewish 
attitude. Through a ridiculous blunder, Graetz intimated that 
von Gentz falsified the later entry in opposition to Jewish 
rights, and that the change was never authorized." 

The Frankfort archives show that the representative of the 
municipality also was caught napping, and that he was 
astounded to learn ** from Prince Metternich's letter of June 9, 
1815, to Baruch," that another provision had been inserted in 
Article LXXX, particularly applicable to the Jews of Frank- 
fort, which Metternich publicly invoked when the Congress ad- 
journed, as confirming Prince-Primate Dalberg^s grant. Met- 
ternich wrote : 

In answer to the petition of the Jewish deputies of the City of 
Frankfort-on-the-Main, dated October 10, 1814, to the High Con- 
gress, praying for a confirmation of the compact of December 28, 
1811 with the former Grand Duke of Frankfort regarding the 
Civil Rights of the Jews, they are informed, that in the Inde- 
pendence Act for the free City of Frankfort, the magistrates are 
advised that all well-acquired rights of every class of inhabitants 
are confirmed, and every contravening regulation is to be avoided. 
By this disposition, the Jewish community of Frankfort-on-the- 
Main will find satisfaction, as the legal compact which they had 
previously made is fully confirmed. 

Vienna, June 9, 1815. 
To MB. BARUCH of Frankfort. 

While the pro-Jewish edicts of revolutionary governments, 
like Hamburg, Bremen and Liibeck, were not so sweepingly and 
unequivocally permanently confirmed, those of the regularly- 

Geschichte, German edition, vol. xi, p. 626, note. The same 
error was carried over into Martin Philippson, Neueste Geschichte 
des jiidischen Volkes, Leipzig, 1907, vol. i, p. 87. 

** Schwemer, supra, pp. 141-2. 

Kliiber, supra, vol. vi, pp. 418-9. 

30 American Jewish Historical Society. 

constituted governments of other German states, particularly 
Frankfort's, were. Both Metternich and Hardenberg wrote 
letters after the Congress adjourned regarding its action in 
relation to the Jews of the Hanseatic towns M indicating that 
they thought the Jews had won their fight there, too. 

Prince Metternich wrote to Dr. Buchholz as representative 
of the Jews of the Hanseatic cities under date of June 9, 1815 : 

The Powers assembled here at the Congress, not unmindful of 
the welfare of individuals, have resolved that persons of the 
Jewish confession in the German Confederated States shall be 
assured general civil rights. But as the circumstances of the day 
made it impossible fully to carry out this subject at the Congress 
of Vienna, it was meanwhile decided that the German Bundestag 
at Frankfort shall deliberate in what way general civil rights shall 
be conferred on the Israelitish communities of Germany, and that 
until such deliberations are concluded, the liberties and rights 
conferred upon the Israelitish communities in the various con- 
federated states shall be preserved intact. This is communicated 
to the representative of the Israelitish communities in Germany, 
Dr. Buchholz of Liibeck, in answer to his memorial to the Congress 
dated December 9, 1814, in order to give to those communities the 
assurance that the welfare of the Israelitish communities will be 
considered at the Bundestag, and that active measures will be 
taken for conferring upon them these general rights. 


Prince Hardenberg, under date of June 10, 1815, wrote to 
the Senate of Liibeck : 

The undersigned, Chancellor of State of his Royal Highness the 
King of Prussia, has learnt with much regret from the reports of 
his Majesty's envoy, Count de Grote, that the representations he 
had been instructed to make on behalf of the Jewish inhabitants 
of the city have thus far been ineffective. 

Consideration of the subject by the Congress here had induced 
the undersigned to preserve silence on it until a determination 
was had. Now, however, that a resolution on the subject was 
adopted by the Congress, providing that the civil rights of the 

"Carlebach, supra, pp. 73-5; Kliiber, Acten, supra, Erlangen, 
1835, vol. iz, pp. 334, 335. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-CJiapelle Kohler. 31 

Jews be referred for determination to the Diet of the Confederacy, 
the undersigned cannot refrain from reiterating the disposition of 
Prussia on the subject, and flatters himself that the noble Senate, 
as well as the municipality, when made acquainted therewith, will 
give weight to wishes as just as they are humane, and will heed 
intercessions of governments to whom the city owes so greatly 
the recognition of its independence. 

Prussia has afforded an example by its legislation to the rest of 
Germany, and proceeded with the fullest conviction that there was 
only one remedy for eliminating most effectively and surely the 
disadvantages that were feared from the adoption of persons of 
the Jewish faith into the body corporate, that is, to accord to 
persons of that confession the enjoyment of full civil rights in 
exchange for their assumption of the duties of citizenship. 

The Hanseatic Cities, which are so intimately connected with the 
Prussian State, cannot refrain from imitating this example, with- 
out directly contravening the purpose of the Prussian Government 
to bind its Jewish inhabitants to their Fatherland, and in this 
way to secure favorable results as well for themselves as for the 
state; all the more so, as the Hanseatic cities have so many 
recognized obligations toward Prussia, and are so closely related 
to her through their common ties, binding them together in a 
united German Fatherland. 

How unjust and unfounded the fears are that the advance of the 
Jewish families in the commercial cities will be to the detriment 
of Christian merchants, is demonstrated by the commercial cities 
of Prussia, which stand in no different relationship than the 
Hanseatic towns. The Jewish families since the enactment of 
legislation in their favor have not progressed relatively more; no 
Christian commercial house has had its welfare sacrificed; just as 
many commercial houses exist as before, and they transact their 
business with the same good fortune as ever, without our having 
the slightest complaint in the matter. 

Under the terms of Article XVI of the Constitution of the 
German Confederation, it cannot be doubted that the civil rights 
of the Jewish inhabitants of the Hanseatic cities are preserved 
until action by the Diet in the premises, in accordance with the 
French legislation fixing these rights, and in line with the Prussian 
legislative policy and the principles of rational toleration. The 
undersigned requests the noble Senate, after communicating these 
views and arguments to the municipality, kindly to act towards 
that end, and thereby to pave the way for a sympathetic reception 

32 American Jewish Historical Society. 

by the city of the resolution of the Diet, which may be expected to 
be introduced, inasmuch as the opinions expressed at the Congress 
by a decided majority, and the resolution of the Congress that fol- 
lowed, leave no doubt that it is the earnest intention of all Ger- 
many to accord the enjoyment of civil rights to her Jewish inhabi- 
tants, upon their assumption of the obligations of citizenship, 
and in this way to gain for the cause of Christianity not merely 
relief in the most just manner, from the heavy stigma which has 
been resting on her for so many years of cruel intolerance, 
but also in that it will make possible a transition for the better 
for a numerous class of inhabitants of Germany in the most 
liberal, rational way. 

The undersigned gladly avails himself of the opportunity to 
assure the noble Council of his esteem. 

Vienna, June 10, 1815. 

It will be observed that these letters deal with the article of 
the Treaty of Vienna as if it had not been materially changed 
through the substitution of the words " by the several States/' 
for " in the several States/' Either the verbal amendment had 
escaped the attention of Hardenberg and Metternich,' or, as is 
indicated by Hardenberg's express reference to the French 
legislation, they regarded it as immaterial, inasmuch as a 
reasonable construction continued in force legislation even of 
such de facto revolutionary governments. 

Dr. Carlebach narrates most sympathetically and in detail 
the long, futile and heart-rending struggle of the Jews of 
Liibeck to preserve their rights, thus "guaranteed" by the 
Powers, but, despite remonstrance and protest after remon- 
strance and protest, the Jews were expelled from Liibeck and 
Bremen, even in the nineteenth century ! The extraordinary 
circumstance is noted by him that it was intimated to the Jews 
of Liibeck, in the course of the struggle, that appeals for aid 
to extra-municipal powers might even lead to prosecutions for 
treason ! * Unfortunately the Jewish communal records for 

id., p. 84. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aiz-La-Chapelle Kohler. 33 

this period of Hamburg and Bremen remain unpublished, and 
this is very largely true of Frankfort, too. 

An interesting contemporary account of the inner struggle 
for Jewish rights at the Congress by one of the leading 
champions of the Jews has now seen the light, in the recently 
published correspondence between Wilhelm von Humboldt and 
his wife." Writing to his wife on June 4, 1815, shortly before 
the Congress adjourned, Wilhelm von Humboldt said : 

Since the beginning of the Congress, the Jews sought to acquire 
complete rights of citizenship in Germany. I have always been 
favorably disposed toward this matter. I know, however, that 
you think differently, sweetheart, but I have considered the matter 
a great deal at different times and remain loyal to my old views. 
It is, moreover, an idea of my youth, for Alexander and I were 
regarded, even when we were children, as bulwarks of Judaism. 
I took up the matter here all the more, because, as Prussia has 
accorded almost complete rights to her Jews, it would be better 
for us that such legislation should be general, because otherwise 

all the Jews would flock to us An old man M from Prague, 

whose demeanor pleased me quite well, as he was not among the 
new fashioned Jews, came to see me a few times, and urged the 
matter upon me. Thereupon I drafted an article according to my 
convictions; in the present conferences this became a chief topic 
of debate, not by reason of the fact that there were not more 
important ones, but because the m<vre important ones were not 
discussed, as it was realized that it would result in separating us 
further, instead of uniting us. Metternich, Wessenberg, Harden- 
berg and I maintained the cause as well as we could. Rechberg 

OT Edited by von Sydow, supra, vol. iv, pp. 565-7. Varnhagen von 
Ense reports that Humboldt kept a detailed diary of his activities, 
political and social, at the Congress of Vienna, but that it was acci- 
dentally destroyed. See Briefe von Chamisso, etc., supra, p. 13. 
There is, therefore, little chance of this journal being included in 
a later volume, to be entitled Tagebucher, of the definitive edition 
of Humboldt's collected writings, issued by the Royal Prussian 
Academy of Science, from which Appendix A, II, infra, p. 71 
et seg., is taken, in translation. 

88 Probably Simon Edler von Lamel. See Gentz, Tagebiicher, 
vol. i, as cited supra, p. 17. 

34 American Jewish Historical Society. 

[Bavarian envoy], Darmstadt, Saxony and the Hanseatic cities 
constituted the principal opposition. The matter came up at two 
sessions; Metternich nearly abandoned it in accordance with his 
habit, but I persisted, gave the matter new direction, and yet made 
it free from detriment by merely referring it to the future Bundes- 
versammlung, but preserved the already acquired rights of the 
Jews. Much has been said about the matter, that I alone composed 
the article and secured its adoption. 

Humboldt went on to mention the fact that the old gentle- 
man in question, after the Jewish article had heen adopted, 
called to see him, thanked him unceasingly, and offered him 
three rings, emeralds set with brilliants, as a present, stating 
that he could, if he preferred, have a credit of 4000 ducats 
with him. As above pointed out, the Frankfort Jewish com- 
munity similarly endeavored to show their appreciation of his 
services to their representative Baruch, about the same time ; 
Humboldt, like Baruch, however, declined the present, and 
stated that what he had done, had been done merely for the 
sake of the Jews, and that he would accept no present for it; 
and he also declined a proposed present of silver plate, to be 
made for him and delivered a year afterwards. 

There are other references to the Jews in Humboldt's letters 
to his wife during the pendency of the Congress of Vienna. 
Under date of December 4, 1814, he wrote : 

[Madame] Levy Varnhagen I spoke with recently, when I visited 
[Madame] Arnstein on her birthday. She had previously told 
Prince George [Crown Prince of Mecklenburg-Strelitz] that she is 
in disfavor with me. For that reason, as this leads to nothing 
further, I was very friendly toward her.** 

Previously he had quoted von Gentz's characterization of 
Eahel Levin as " the most intellectual woman on earth " to his 
wife, but added : 

One must be able even to forego intellect; I remained inexor- 

* Von Sydow, supra, vol. iv, p. 430. 
* Ibid., p. 80. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 35 

and a propos of Rahel's marriage to Varnhagen and the pos- 
sibility of her becoming an ambassadress or excellency, he said : 
There is nothing that the Jew does not achieve. 91 

On January 17, 1815, he wrote to his wife : 

Arnsteins have again given wax-figures. I did not attend. I am 
working with all my might to give the Jews all civil rights, so that 
it will no longer be necessary, out of generosity, to go to Jewish 
houses. But they do not love me at all." 

He also wrote on January 13, 1815 : 

Recently, at dinner at the Chancellor's [Prince Hardenberg] 
several of his advisors maintained that the edict he issued regard- 
ing the Jews [emancipation of the Jews, March 11, 1812] had 
resulted in bad consequences, which were particularly detrimental, 
in the small cities. He, who was always very liberal, argued 
against this. I am wholly of his opinion and approve of the 
edict. It cannot possibly be prudent forever to maintain the old 
discrimination against Jews by Christians, and even to increase 
the prejudice. However, I would not care, as he does, to argue 
away occurrences asserted by informed people, and I positively 
believe that the incidents, which I do not deny, are to be ascribed 
to other circumstances, if only because one has perhaps neglected 
to do things that it was necessary to have done simultaneously 
with the edict." 

Elsewhere Humboldt explained more fully what he meant 
by his remark that some things had been neglected. This was, 
the Germanization of the Jews, their assumption of the duties 
of German citizenship, and the like, which he had had in- 
corporated in the Treaty of Vienna in connection with the 
conferment of the rights of German citizenship. In a letter 
to his wife, written April 9, 1816, he made this clearer, saying : 

But to return to the Jews; much remains to be done that has 
been neglected, instead of repealing what I have always approved, 
granting them rights of citizenship. Why, for example, does one 

" Ibid., p. 395. 
w Ibid., p. 458. 
Ibid., p. 454. 

36 American Jewish Historical Society. 

authorize their purchase of exemption from military service? 
Why does one not devise means to promote other pursuits [than 
trading] among th em ?* 

So also, in a memorandum prepared by Humboldt for the 
Chancellor, as to Prussia's proposed course at the Diet, the 
former wrote under date of September 30, 1816, regarding 
Article XVI of the Germanic Constitution : " 


Prussia, in addition to general considerations, is specially inter- 
ested in securing action, so that the Jews will not be too greatly 
lured into Prussia by the circumstance that the Jews enjoy much 
greater privileges there than in the rest of Germany. With respect 
to the subject proper, of improving the political condition of the 
Jews, two disadvantages commonly connected therewith should 
be avoided, if possible: (1) that the Jews will not avail themselves 
unduly of newly-acquired rights in order to enlarge merely their 
moneyed business affairs, or even to turn other pursuits [like the 
purchase of real estate, agriculture, etc.] into moneyed business; 
(2) that they will not continue too much to remain a separate 
community in matters other than their religious affairs, and one 
denomination seek to supersede the other, in consequence of which 
various detrimental misunderstandings would arise in the per- 
formance of civil obligations and also in the exercise of their 

It is convenient here to point out that Freiherr von Stein 
had occupied a rather anomalous position with respect to 
Jewish disabilities. While in general liberal, an enthusiastic 
advocate of a powerful German empire and of a constitution 
guaranteeing individual rights, he had been the official at the 
head of the reconquered German territory which included 
Frankfort, and angered Metternich and Hardenberg by pre- 
maturely and unconditionally recognizing Frankfort's inde- 
pendence. A commission appointed by him in 1814 reported 

H Ibid., Berlin, 1912, vol. v, p. 228. 

" Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1904, vol. xii, pt. i, p. 53 at 113. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aiz-La-Chapelle Kohler. 37 

adversely to the validity of the grant to the Jewish community 
in Frankfort, and on an appeal to him on the part of the Jews 
of Frankfort, dated September 5, 1814, for a recognition of the 
rights of the 3000 Jews involved, 98 von Stein, under date of 
September 7, 1814,* 1 advised the Jews that he could not change 
the determination, but that they would have to come to an 
arrangement with the municipality. As seen, however, Har- 
denberg and Metternich pursued a course favorable to Jewish 
rights. On the other hand, during the Congress of Vienna, 
von Stein was officially an adviser of Eussia, and under date 
of November 4, 1814, he addressed a vigorous letter to Emperor 
Alexander, urging him to use his influence to establish a strong 
German union, with a constitutional guarantee of " rights for 
all the inhabitants of Germany," that Germany cease to be 
" a large gathering place for oppressors and oppressed," and 
that the Emperor write a note to this effect. Alexander I did, 
in fact, hand a note of this tenor to Metternich and Hardenberg 
on November 11, 1814," urging that a constitution be adopted 
" denning the rights of all, and protecting them through firm 
and liberal provisions." Stein's draft of a constitution, sub- 
mitted for Eussian consideration in January, 1815, provided 
for a " formulation in the Constitution of the common rights 
of all Germans." There is no tangible evidence that von Stein 
acted pro or contra at the Congress on the question of Jewish 
rights, but contemporary Jewish opinion, to the effect that he 

" Aktenmdssige Darstellung der Biirgerrechte der Israeliten zu 
Frankfurt, 1816, pp. 33-4, appendix Ix. 

91 Ibid., appendix x. 

*Pertz, supra, vol. iv, pp. 148-9; see Stein's diary, edited by 
Lehmann, in Historische Zeitschrift, vol. Ix, p. 400; and Wilhelm 
A. Schmidt, Geschichte, supra, p. 248 et seg. 

"Ibid., pp. 150-1. Even previously Nesselrode in the Czar's 
name seems to have interceded with the free Hanseatic cities on 
behalf of the Jews: Haarbleicher, Zwei Epochen, etc., supra, p. 137. 

38 American Jewish Historical Society. 

was privately hostile to them, is confirmed by a letter written 
by Wilhelm von Humboldt to his wife on April 9, 181 6, 100 in 
which he combated her anti-Semitic views, and said that her 
statements that the Jews possessed one-third of the houses in 
Berlin and the best ones at that, would be ammunition for von 
Stein, in connection with the tetter's project to colonize the 
Jews on the coast of North Africa ! 

More important, however, as a landmark in the history of 
religious liberty in general is the provision of the Treaty of 
Vienna concerning the Netherlands (Article LXXIII), in- 
corporating and ratifying the " Eight Articles " secret treaty 
of Holland with England, Austria, Eussia and Prussia of the 
preceding year (1814), which was probably the first inter- 
national treaty which provided for absolute religious liberty. 
Its significance is commonly overlooked even by writers on 
international law, probably because of unfamiliarity with some 
details in the history of the Netherlands involving enforcement 
of this very provision. It was a Belgian publicist, Jean De 
Eidder, who called attention to it a few years ago, in an address 
on La Liberte de Conscience en Droit International. 1 " 1 The 
clauses in question, establishing the union of Holland and 
Belgium, provided that the Articles of the new Constitution of 
the United Kingdom which assured to all creeds protection and 
equality before the law, and guaranteed the right of all citizens, 
regardless of religious belief, to admission to public employ- 
ments and offices, should remain unalterable. 

"Ludwig Geiger, in Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. 
Ixxvi, pp. 69, 70, quoting from the work edited by von Sydow, Ber- 
lin, 1912, vol. v, p. 228. On the other hand, Freund, supra, vol. i, 
p. 125, cites Pertz, supra, vol. iii, p. 125, for the proposition that 
Stein approved Schrotter's emancipatory edict, but rejects this 
himself; Alfred Stern, Abhandlungen und Aktenstiicke, p. 228, is to 
the same effect. 

m Revue Droit International et de Legislation Compar6e, 1905, 
Series II, vol. ii, pp. 283-302. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 39 

Article LXXIII of the Treaty of Vienna provided : 1M 

S. M. le Roi des Pays-Bas ayant reconnu et sanctionn6, sous la 
date de 21. juillet 1814, comrne bases de la reunion des provinces 
belgiques avec les Provinces Unies les huit articles renfgrmes dans 
la piece annexe au present trait6, lesdits articles aurant la mme 
force et valeur, comme s'ils etoient inserts de mot a mot dans 
transaction actuelle. 

Article II of the Treaty of Eight Articles, signed at The 
Hague, July 21, 1814, provided : 10S 

II ne sera rien innovS aux articles de cette constitution que 
assurent a tous les cultes une protection et une faveur ggales et 
guarantissant 1'admission de tous les citoyens quelle que soit leur 
croyance religieuse, aux emplois et offices publics. 

Jean De Eidder says of this provision : 

Here we find guaranteed for the first time in an international 
treaty, and one of the most important ones at that, not only the 
equality of all Christian confessions, not only the necessity of 
leaving to certain citizens, rights which they already enjoyed 
under their old sovereign, but the equality of all creeds, and 
admission of all men to public employment and office, whatever 
their religion. Jews, Buddhists, Mohammedans or Christians, all 
were given equal rights in the eyes of the law; the state gives 
them equal protection, I may remark, in passing, that this article 
of the Treaty of Vienna rendered binding upon the Prince of 
Orange, the Constitution which had been given to us and which 
provoked such violent protestations, particularly on the part of 
the Bishop of Ghent, de Broglie. These protestations could not 
have effect; they were contrary to the international obligations of 
the sovereign. One sees what immense progress the cause of 
religious liberty had made. The principle had at length been 
fixed in all its amplitude, and all the Powers guaranteed it. That 
is not to say, however, that the recognition of religious liberty 
by the law of nations was definitive. Even now, one cannot con- 
sider it complete. But a great step forward had been made. 

102 Kluber, supra, vol. vi, p. 68; d'Angeberg, supra, p. 1418, see pp. 
182, 183, 207. 
103 Kliiber, supra, p. 176. 

40 American Jewish Historical Society. 

The circumstances referred to by M. De Eidder deserve 
fuller consideration. On March 28, 1814, a proposed Constitu- 
tion for the two states was drawn up, providing, as seen, in 
Articles CXC-CXCIII for absolute religious liberty and 
equality. 104 One of Holland's most distinguished Jews, Jonas 
Daniel Meyer, was one of the chief framers of this Constitu- 
tion. 10 * The four Powers had entered into the Treaty of 1814, 
providing for the Union of Holland and Belgium under the 
Prince of Orange under the specified conditions, and the same 
became generally binding through the quoted clauses of the 
Treaty of Vienna. While Holland ratified this Constitution, 
the Belgian Assembly of Notables rejected the religious liberty 
clauses, among others, on August 18, 1815, Belgium being still 
strictly Catholic almost without exception. King William I of 
the Netherlands, nevertheless, proclaimed this Constitution in 
force on August 24, 1815, declaring that the rejection of the 
religious liberty clauses was illegal because inconsistent with 
the Treaty in question. The ultra-Catholic party was incensed, 
and under the leadership of Maurice de Broglie, Bishop of 
Ghent, bitterly assailed this course. The Bishop declared it 
to be treason against religion to take the oath to support this 
new Constitution, and the Pope at first sustained his course. 
The Bishop was prosecuted in the civil courts for contumacy, 
however, and fled to France, and some years later the new Pope 
acquiesced in the constitutional provisions in question. 10 * It 
is stated, 10T that the emancipation of the Jews in Belgium dates 
from the adoption of this provision. The " Correspondence, 
Despatches and Other Papers of Viscount Castlereagh " con- 
tains an official despatch from Lord Clancarty to Castlereagh 

m . Tll e Cambridge Modern History," vol. x, pp. 518-25. 

"Boulger's "History of Belgium," London, 1909, vol. ii, p. 14; 
Jost's Neuere Geschichte der Israeliten, vol. ii, p. 115. 

" See Boulger, supra; " The Cambridge Modern History," supra. 

10T See " The Jewish Encyclopedia," s. v., " Belgium," " Nether- 
lands," and " Ghent." 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Eohler. 41 

from The Hague, April 12, 1814, referring to some Dutch 


that the Jews should be suffered to enjoy offices in the state and 

seats in the legislature, 108 

but they, fortunately, proved futile. 

Moreover, the Prince de Ligne, who was of a princely Belgian 
family and an intimate friend of Emperor Joseph II and 
whose ~bon mot about the Congress of Vienna has already been 
quoted herein, had even previously worked for Jewish emanci- 
pation in Belgium and had published a very clever essay on 
the Jews. 109 

The Netherlands provision was largely the work of British 
diplomacy, but Holland had long before this, of course, estab- 
lished its fame as an upholder of religious liberty. There is 
reason to believe that Talleyrand, the distinguished representa- 
tive of France, also favored these religious liberty clauses and 
early in his career, on January 28, 1790, he had brought in a 
report in favor of emancipating the Portuguese Jews in 
France, 110 despite anti-Semitic opposition, and soon after, in 
1791, he was among the leaders in opposing as inadequate the 
use of the term " toleration/' to express the natural right of 
liberty of conscience. The results of Jewish emancipation in 
the Netherlands had been so good that Carl Asser, in 1827, 
at the request of his sister-in-law, Eahel Levin Varnhagen von 

101 Vol. ix, p. 424. 

109 See his M emoires et Melanges Historiques et Litteraires, Paris, 
1827, vol. ii, pp. 2849. As to earlier incidents in the history of the 
development of religious liberty in Belgium and opposition there 
to Emperor Joseph II's Toleration Edict, see Rufflni's " Religious 
Liberty," supra, pp. 425-28; E. Hubert, Le Voyage de VEmpereur 
Joseph II dans les Pay-Bas, Brussels, 1882, pp. 10-11, 82, 322-3, 
369-70; Frank, Das Toleranzedikt Josephs II, 1882. 

""Graetz, supra, Leipzig, 1870, vol. xi, pp. 210-11; William Milli- 
gan Sloane, "The French Revolution and Religious Reform," 
1901, pp. 116, 117, 154, 186, 187, 257-63; Joseph LSmann, L'entree 
des Israelites dans la societe frangaise et les etats Chretiens, Paris, 
1886, idem, La preponderance juive, 1889-94. 

42 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Ense, prepared an essay entitled Precis historique sur I'etat des 
Israelites du Royaume de Pays-Bos, as an example for other 
states," 1 and a series of opinions to the same effect were fur- 
nished by the leading officials of Holland in 1842 to the 
Swedish Consul as an argument in favor of Jewish emancipa- 
tion in his country. 1 " 

Despite the clear provisions in the Treaty of Vienna, in favor 
of the Frankfort Jews, that city continued recalcitrant, and 
anti-Jewish feeling became tense elsewhere too. Varnhagen 
von Ense, in his work Nach dem Wiener Kongress reports 

m Jost, supra, vol. ii, p. 119. David Friedlander, Ueber die Ver- 
besserung der Israeliten im Konigreich Pohlen, Berlin, 1819, 
pointed out that Holland established a European precedent in ap- 
pointing Jews to high public office. He quoted an item from the 
Allgemeine Zeitung, December 14, 1815, regarding the bestowal of 
knighthood on Meyer and the appointment of Asser to an impor- 
tant post in the Department of Justice by the King of the Nether- 
lands, " the king making no distinction on the score of the 
religious faith of his subjects and considering only merit in the 
bestowal of honors." 

** Ibid., pp. 121-7. Contrast this with earlier Swedish conditions 
depicted in E. Meyer, Die Literatur fur und wider die Juden in 
Schweden im Jahre 1815, in Monatsschrift, supra, 1907, vol. li, 
pp. 531-41. 

m Denkuriirdigkeit en, vol. vii, pp. 151-3; Briefwechsel zwischen 
Varnhagen und Rahel, Leipzig, 1875, vol. iv, p. 180, giving the 
former's contemporary account dated July 3, 1815; Jost, Neuere 
Oeschichte der Israeliten, vol. i, p. 47; Ludwig Geiger, Ueber den 
Verfasser der Posse " Unser Verkehr," in Allgemeine Zeitung des 
Judentums, vol. Ixvii, February 13, 1903; M. L. Nathanson, Leben 
des Hofraths David Amsel Meyer, Copenhagen, 1816, p. xlii; Unser 
Verkehr, ins Ddnische iibersetzt, Braunschweig, October, 1815; 

C. A. R d, Kurze Bemerkungen uber das Manuscript " Unser 

Verkehr" Leipzig and Cologne, 1816, p. 149; the illustrations in 
the text at the end of Georg Liebe, Die Juden in der deutschen 
Vergangenheit, Leipzig, 1903. I am indebted to Prof. Alexander 
Marx and Albert M. Friedenberg for these references. On Israel 
Jacobsohn see, besides the biography in " The Jewish Encyclo- 
pedia," Ludwig Geiger, Vortrage und Versuche, supra, pp. 226, 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Koliler. 43 

how, on July 1, 1815, Prince Hardenberg prohibited, at Israel 
Jacobsohn's instance, the performance of an anti-Semitic play, 
Die Judenschule, oder Unser Verkehr, by Sessa, previously 
sanctioned by a subordinate, which course provoked wide com- 
ment and disapproval on the part of persons not unfriendly to 
the Jews, though his conduct had been dictated by the unseem- 
liness of such attacks 

inasmuch as the Jews had made large sacrifices for their country 
during the recent war, and had nobly competed with the other 
inhabitants in rushing to arms, a number having become officers 
or acquired Iron Crosses. 

After Hardenberg's departure for Paris from Berlin, the play 
was nevertheless produced, Varnhagen commenting on this dis- 
regard of the sacrifices evidenced by the death of Moritz Itzig 
and Hauschildt at the battle of Liitzen. Hardly had Harden- 
berg and Metternich arrived in Paris than they wrote vigorous 
official protests in November, 1815, against Frankfort's illegal 
course." 4 Hardenberg fully sustained the Jewish contentions, 
and reproached Frankfort for having obtained opinions in 
favor of its claims from the legal faculties of German uni- 
versities, in violation of the conclusions of the Congress and 
in defiance of the provision of the treaty. This had left the 
subject, if there was any doubt in the matter, to the determi- 
nation of the Diet. Metternich had officially informed the 

n * Akt enmassige Darstellung, supra, appendices xxvii, xxviii, 
pp. 95-104. The foregoing reference by Varnhagen to Moritz Itzig 
was particularly telling at this time. We learn from Varnhagen's 
essay, Ludwig Achim von Arnim und Moritz Itzig, in his Yer- 
mischte Schriften, Leipzig, 1875, vol. ii, that the anti-Semitic von 
Arnim, after grossly insulting Itzig, refused to accept the latter's 
challenge to a duel on the ground that he was a Jew. Sometime 
later Itzig was killed in battle, fighting for his country. This led 
von Stagemann, a poet as well as an aide of Prince Hardenberg, to 
coin the epigram: "Itzig and Arnim both remained behind, the 
former dead on the battlefield of Liitzen, the latter skulking behind 
his own stove! " 

44 American Jewish Historical Society. 

municipal authorities that Frankfort's independence had been 
recognized only on condition that all legally-acquired rights 
of every class of inhabitants be enforced. He now wrote in 
the same spirit, and declared that 

every arbitrary interference with the affairs of the Jewish com- 
munity would be an attack on the authority of the Bundestag. 

Soon thereafter, Friedrich von Schlegel, who was the Austrian 
representative at Frankfort, under date of January 30. 1816, 
wrote a vigorous report, attacking the municipality for viola- 
ting both the pro-Jewish and pro-Catholic clauses of the Treaty 
of Vienna ; it has come down to us and was recently published." 1 
But as even Metternich's and Hardenberg's representations 
were practically futile and were answered evasively by Frank- 
fort in December, 1815, SchlegePs recommendations were of 
course ineffective. The Aktenmdssige Darstellung, the chief 
memorial ably setting forth the claims of the Frankfort Jewish 
community, dated January, 1816, had been apparently pre- 
pared for it by Ludwig Boerne."' Boerne also prepared a sum- 

"Bleyer, Friedrich Schlegel am Bundestag in Frankfurt, in 
Vngarische Rundschau, vol. ii, p. 666, et seq., vol. iii, pp. 331-5. 

"Graetz, supra, vol. xi, p. 340, citing Gutzkow's Boerne, p. 94; 
see also Holzmann, Ludwig Boerne, Berlin, 1888, pp. 87-9; and 
Varnhagen, Denkimirdigkeiten, vol. vii, p. 27. Brief e von Gentz an 
Pilat, see more fully, infra, p. 49, quotes a letter from Gentz dated 
August 29, 1826 (vol. ii, p. 206), in which he says of Boerne: "I 
consider Boerne's essay very mediocre. Nor do I find his style to be 
as of old. He was thoughtful and witty as long as he criticized bad 
poems and poor plays and made the persecutors of the Jews 
ridiculous. His political effusions are petty and tiresome." Evi- 
dently Boerne's Jewish writings attracted attention in influential 
circles, and some of Gentz's numerous conferences with him un- 
doubtedly related to contests for Jewish rights. Ludwig Geiger sug- 
gested that this may have been the case in Allgemeine Zeitung des 
Judentums, 1913, pp. 391-2. These conferences began long before 
1821, the earliest date Geiger seems to have discovered; the first 
appears to have taken place September 5, 1818 (TageMcher, vol. ii, 
p. 258), shortly before the important action by the Bundestag 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 45 

mary of this contest, Die Juden in der Freien Stadt Frankfurt 
und ihre Gegner, but his father induced him to destroy it, after 
it was printed, because of its vehement tone. Boerne subse- 
quently reprinted the bulk of it, and it is summarized in Holz- 
mann's biography , m cited above. 

Jacob Baruch sought Metternich's aid once more and de- 
mands, not merely on the part of Austria and Prussia in 1816, 
but from the four great Powers, England, Eussia, Austria and 
Prussia, followed between August and November, 1816. 
Schwemer U8 reported that these four Powers addressed identic 

on the Frankfort Jewish matter and the Conference of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, and the entry of December 27, 1819 (ibid., p. 377), 
specifically states that Gentz worked with Baruch on the Frankfort 
Jewish matter. As will be noticed presently (pp. 56-7), von Pies- 
sen reported to the Bundestag on the Frankfort Jewish matter, 
September 10, 1818, and on the 17th of that month the Bundestag 
appointed a commission to adjust the controversies (Jost, supra, 
vol. i, p. 77; Use, Geschichte, infra). The visit of Baruch [Boerne] 
of September 5, 1818, to Gentz, above referred to, was followed on 
September 9th (Tagebiicher, vol. ii, p. 261) by the visits to Gentz 
of C. and A. M. Rothschild, Count Buol, Baron Beckheim and Count 
Goltz, some avowedly regarding the Frankfort Jewish matter, and 
by several visits by Bethmann, and by the Rothschilds again on 
the 12th and 14th. By September 28th (ibid., p. 268) Gentz 
was at Aix-la-Chapelle to attend the Conference there, and before 
that Conference adopted the resolution of November 21, 1818, 
hereinafter referred to, Gentz had repeated meetings there with the 
Rothschilds, Dr. Buchholz of Lubeck and Dr. Lindner of Stutt- 
gart, and on November 13, 1818 (ibid., p. 283), he prepared a 
memoire for the Frankfort Jewish community. 

UT As to Boerne's subsequent activities on behalf of Jewish 
emancipation, see also Ludwig Geiger's edition of Boerne's works. 
Berlin, 1903, vol. ix, pp. 188, 252, 472, 480. 

118 Supra, pp. 272-3. See a reference to one of these notes from 
the four Powers in Johann Smidt, Bin Gedenkbuch, supra, p. 153, 
in which other Jewish references may be found, pp. 20, 94, 97, 120, 

46 American Jewish Historical Society. 

notes to Frankfort reiterating the prior demands of Austria and 
Prussia. They based their stand on the principle that, inas- 
much as the future regulation of the affairs of the Jews had 
been reserved for the Bundestag, Frankfort had no power to 
change them to the detriment of the Jews. In a second identic 
note, dated November 6, 1816, the four Powers again demanded 
that Frankfort repeal its ordinances, unless the Bundestag took 
jurisdiction, and as matters had become most serious for the 
Jews, in view of increasing anti-Semitic riots, not only in 
Frankfort, but elsewhere in Germany, the Jews concluded to 
appeal to the Bundestag. These are probably the earliest joint 
international state papers on behalf of the Jews, and are 
doubtless preserved in archives, though not yet in print. 11 * 
The humane attitude of the British Government is further 
indicated by the following, hitherto unpublished despatch from 

m Compare the British intervention on behalf of the Jews of 
Bohemia in 1744, when threatened with expulsion by Maria 
Theresa, which is treated at length by Dr. J. Krengel in Monats- 
schrift, 1900, vol. xliv, pp. 177 et seg., 259 et seg.; also the treatment 
of the Dutch Government's intervention on the same occasion by 
Prof. David Kaufmann, Gesammelte Schriften, Frankfurt, 1910, 
vol. ii, pp. 328-373, Barthold Dowe Burmania und die Vertreibung 
der Juden aus Bohmen und Mdhren. Venice also then intervened 
in their behalf, and Prof. Kaufmann notes that representations 
were also made by Saxony, Mayence, Brunswick, Poland, Turkey 
and the Pope, ibid., p. 336. It is interesting to note, as arguments 
for such intermediation, not only the behests of humanity and 
justice, but that Burmania mentions the important Dutch com- 
mercial interests that would be jeopardized, and the injury occa- 
sioned through the resulting forced immigration into Holland, thus 
antedating the Hay Roumanian Note by nearly two centuries. 
One should note, too, Humboldt's and Hardenberg's similar argu- 
ments at the Congress of Vienna in favor of interstate action on 
behalf of the Jews. See, too, Kohler and Wolf, " Jewish Disabili- 
ties in the Balkan States," Publications, supra, No. 24, pp. 5-7, 
94-7, 108-14. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 47 

Lord Castlereagh, British Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, which the British archives have just yielded up : 

Foreign Office, July 8, 1816, 
To the Earl of Clancarty. 
My Lord : 

As it is probable that the situation of the Jews may become 
subject of consideration to the Allied Plenipotentiaries at Frank- 
fort, I have received the commands of His Royal Highness the 
Prince Regent to instruct your Excellency, in that event to 
encourage the general adoption of a liberal system of toleration 
with respect to the individuals of the Jewish persuasion through- 
out Germany, in order that they may not be deprived of those 
indulgences they have lately enjoyed. 

I am. etc., 


It was thereafter, in October, 1817, that the King of Prussia 
forced Hardenberg's hand, as already pointed out, by instruct- 

120 Docketed: "No. 8. To encourage a liberal system towards 
the Jews throughout Germany." I am indebted to Albert M. 
Hyamson, of London, for his kindness in sending a transcript of 
this document to The Jewish Publication Society of America. 
Unfortunately, divided counsels seem to have weakened the more 
liberal British influence, for the "Correspondence, Despatches 
and Other Papers of Viscount Castlereagh," vol. xi, pp. 414-5, con- 
tains a despatch from Count Miinster, the Hanoverian, to Castle- 
reagh, dated March 23, 1818, reading as follows: "I have the 
honor to return herewith, with many thanks, Mr. Lamb's [Fred- 
erick Lamb, later Viscount Melbourne] despatches relating to the 
conduct of the Austrian Cabinet concerning the .... claims of the 
Jews in Frankfort. As to Mr. Lamb's Note respecting the Jews, 
I should be wanting in sincerity, if I did not avow that I regret its 
having been delivered, for, in my humble opinion, the principle 
on which the Note is founded cannot be maintained, and I cannot 
convince myself that the mere circumstance of the matter having 
been mentioned in the Act of the Congress of Vienna could warrant 
the interference of Foreign Powers, after the matter has been 
actually brought before the Germanic Diet. This is, as Martens 
informs me, in a letter dated the 8th March, the impression pro- 
duced at Frankfort. Of course, a civil answer has been given to 
the Note." 

48 American Jewish Historical Society. 

ing him on behalf of Prussia not to support the Jewish cause 
as against Frankfort at the Diet," 1 and a subsequent protest 
from England, in February, 1818, 1 * was also futile. The 
Bundestag appointed a commission on the subject in Sep- 
tember, 181 8, 123 but it was six years before the matter was con- 
cluded, and then only by an unsatisfactory compromise. The 
details of these incidents are outside the scope of the present 
paper. The Eothschilds became potent factors in enlisting 
Metternich's aid on behalf of the Jews, and von Gentz con- 
tinued as their active advocate. 1 * 4 

The unsuccessful efforts of the Jews of Liibeck to preserve 
their rights, including those of residence, are fully narrated in 
Dr. Carlebach's work. Previously, on August 8, 1816, the 
Austrian Beolachter, a semi-official government newspaper, 
had vigorously attacked Liibeck for having expelled the Jews, 
without waiting for the action on the Jewish question by the 
Diet, saying: 

How can the future Bundestag deal with the amelioration of 
the Jews, when individual states thwart its action by the most 

m Schwemer, supra, vol. i, p. 280. 

123 IUd., p. 281. 

ia lbid., p. 281; vol. ii, pp. 21, 148, 152, 163. For a detailed ac- 
count of the proceedings in the Bundestag see Use, Geschichte der 
deutschen Bundesversammlung, Marburg, 1861, vol. i, pp. 308-406, 
and Jost, supra, vol. i, pp. 23 et seq., 68 et seg. 

114 Schwemer, supra; Alt. Stern, Geschichte Europas seit den 
Vertragen von 1815, Berlin, 1894, vol. i, pp. 318-20; Bender, Zustand 
der Israeliten zu Frankfurt; Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier 
der Realschule der israelitschen Gemeinde (Philanthropin) zu 
Frankfurt-am-Main 1804-1904; Gentz, Tagebucher; Briefwech- 
sel zwischen Varnhagen von Ense und Oelsner, nebst Briefen von 
Rahel, Stuttgart, 1865, three vols.; Jost, supra; Graetz, supra; Lud- 
wig Geiger, Friedrich von Gentz und die Juden, in Allgemeine 
Zeitung des Judentums, 1910, pp. 414-18; ibid., 1913, pp. 391-2; and 
his Goethe, Bettina und die Frankfurter Juden, in ibid., 1903, vol. 
Ixvii, pp. 474-7; as well as his Goethe und die Juden, in Vortrdge 
und Versuche, supra, pp. 215-80. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 49 

arbitrary and cruel determinations? This incident involves a 
lack of regard, not merely for the Diet, which is soon to meet, but 
also reflects upon the chief courts of Germany, whose principles 
on the question have been enunciated often and loudly enough, 
and while passionate excesses can explain, they cannot justify, 
such a course."' 

Gabriel Eiesser in the course of his valuable and effective 
efforts for Jewish emancipation in Germany made good use of 
arguments based on this provision of the Treaty of Vienna, for 
instance, in his work, Ueber die Stellung der Bekenner des 
mosaischen Glaubens in Deutschland** which also contains 
his construction of Article XVI. 

** Graetz, supra, vol. xi, pp. 346-7. Sulamith vol. iv, pt. 1, pp. 
323-4. The collection Briefe von Oentz an Pilat, the editor of the 
Beobachter and long private secretary of Metternich, edited by 
Karl Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Leipzig, 1868, vol. ii, p. 432, contains 
a letter, undated, from Gentz to Pilat, regarding this incident. 
Gentz wrote: " Do you recall the impudent opposition of the 
Lubeckers and Frankforters in the Jewish matter, the offensive 
answers they rendered to the courteous notes of Austria and 
Prussia? Do you believe that people who treated the Beobacnter, 
the semi-official journal of our Cabinet, as they did, threatening it 
with dire consequences, etc., have neglected to take sides this good 
while? That, relying on the opinion of the mob in North Ger- 
many, upon their countless protectors and associates, on the con- 
stitution and its collapse, upon a mass of positive and negative 
measures that I don't care to enumerate, they are not fully re- 
solved not to pay heed to representations, but on the contrary, 
will fight for their self-imagined rights to the last ditch (even if 
all public order collapses as a result) ? Be assured that the Gov- 
ernment, in whatever course it may attempt, is certain to com- 
promise itself in the deepest way without helping you or the cause 
any!" And among those arousing public opinion in England 
against the brutal persecution of Lubeck was the Christian mis- 
sionary periodical, The Jewish Expositor, 1819, pp. 72-4. 

Second edition, Altona, 1831, pp. 34-9. In the British Parlia- 
ment in 1833 Robert Grant made use of this provision and Prince 
Hardenberg's utterance; see " Debates in the House of Commons," 
on Jewish disabilities, London, 1834. 

50 American Jewish Historical Society. 



The Great Powers were represented at the Conference of Aix- 
la-Chapelle, which met in the autumn of 1818, for the par- 
ticular purpose of determining whether the allied troops should 
now be withdrawn from France, and to decide regarding the 
payment of France's indemnity to the allies. Interesting de- 
tails regarding this conference are to be found in W. Alison 
Phillips' " The Confederation of Europe," including a slight, 
purely incidental, reference to the discussion of the subject of 
Jewish emancipation. The conference took place at a time 
of violent reaction from liberal French Revolutionary ideas, 
and in the midst of the unsuccessful efforts to induce Frank- 
fort and the Hanseatic towns to carry out the terms of 
the Treaty of Vienna. Various Jewish communities and 
their friends turned to this Conference for relief. This 
occasion was also chosen by Lewis Way, an English clergy- 
man who was deeply interested in the work of societies 
seeking to convert the Jews to Christianity, and the real 
founder of the reorganized London Society for Promoting 
Christianity Among the Jews, to advance their emanci- 
pation in Europe. He prepared in their behalf a peti- 
tion, delivered October 5, 1818, addressed to Emperor Alex- 
ander I of Russia and the allied rulers, together with an accom- 
panying memorial, which interested the Czar so greatly, dur- 
ing this mystical-religious period of his life, that he referred the 
memorial to the assembled conference of ministers, through 
Nesselrode, his chancellor. Action was had thereon, which is 
set forth in the protocol of November 21, 1818, signed by all 
the plenipotentiaries, Metternich, Hardenberg, Richelieu, 
Bernstorff, Castlereagh, ISTesselrode, Wellington and Capodis- 
trias, as follows : 

Without entering into the merits of the views entertained by 
the author of the project, the Conference recognizes the justice of 
his general tendency, and takes cognizance of the fact that the 
plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia [Metternich and Harden- 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 51 

berg] have declared themselves ready to furnish all possible 
information concerning the Jewish situation in those monarchies, 
in order to clarify a problem which must claim the attention 
equally of the statesman and the humanitarian. 

Way caused his petition, the memorial, and the report 
thereon, to be printed in French in Paris, 1819, as a pamphlet 
of 78 pages, entitled, Memoires sur I'etat des Israelites, dedies 
et presentes a leur majestes imperiales et royales, reunies au 
Congres d'Aix-la-Chapelle It follows very largely the reason- 
ing of Dohm's famous work on Jewish emancipation and, 
in fact, embodies a new plea in outline by Dohm, dated No- 
vember 1, 1818, prepared at Way's instance at this time. Way 
sought a fuller treatise from Dohm, but did not afford the 
latter adequate time for this purpose, in view of the former's 
plan to submit it at the Aix-la-Chapelle Conference. 118 The 
provision of the Treaty of Vienna on Jewish emancipation 
was quoted by Way, and he emphasized the failure to enforce 
the provision according to its spirit, particularly in Germany, 
Poland, Austria and Italy, and urged the Czar to set the 
which will produce its effect upon the whole world. 129 

m Paris, 1819. A copy of the booklet, now rare, is to be found in 
the New York Public Library and another in the Library of The 
Jewish Theological Seminary of America. 

** Shortly before this Dohm published a little-known work en- 
titled Ein Wort zur Beherzigung an meine israelitische und chrtet- 
lich Glaubensbriider, Breslau, 1816, described in Fiirst, Bib- 
liotheca Judaica, but I have not been able to locate a copy. An 
interesting account of Dohm's pro-Jewish services may be found in 
F. Reuss, Christian Wilhelm DoTims " Ueber die biirgerliche Ver- 
besserung der Juden." 

139 A detailed summary of the booklet was printed in Frankel's 
Monatsschrift, 1869, vol. xviii, pp. 234 et seg., 334 et seg., 477 
et seg., 551 et seg., and a sketch of Way is to be found in " The 
Jewish Encyclopedia." The Monatsschrift quotes, pp. 235-6, from 
Gronau's life of Dohm, Lemgo, 1824, 707 pp., as to his relations to 
the incident, and mentions the fact that Treschow, secretary of the 

52 American Jewish Historical Society. 

It is undeniable that this conference at the instance of Eussia 
thus was induced affirmatively to urge international Jewish 
emancipation. Certainly not until latterly have we been regard- 
ing Russia as taking the lead in work of this nature. 

Dr. Buchholz again appealed on this occasion for relief for 
the Liibeck Jews." Michel Berr, the distinguished French- 
Jewish champion of emancipation, also published a stirring 
appeal on behalf of the Jews of Germany addressed to the 
Congress 181 and invoked aid on the subject from Johann von 
Miiller. The Jews of Italy also contemplated petitioning 
for relief against their own persecutions. 132 The Rothschilds 
made personal appeals, apparently. 

Way's memorial "* is so badly edited that it has often been 
misdescribed, for instance, by Martens, who refers to it as a 

London society, sent Dohm a detailed account of the Aix-la-Chapelle 
incident, apparently unpublished, and also, p. 564, an explicit denial 
by Way that he was actuated in the matter by any conversionist 
motives. See also The Jewish Expositor, 1819, p. 280; and Dubnow, 
" History of the Jews in Russia and Poland," Philadelphia, 1916, 
vol. i, pp. 397-9. A detailed sketch of Lewis Way is to be found 
in J. F. A. de le Roi, Die evangelische Ghristenheit und die Juden, 
Berlin, 1892, 2d edition, 1899, entitled Geschichte der evangelischen 
Juden-Mission, particularly vol. iii, pp. 19-37; see also, Saat auf 
Hoffnung, vol. xiii, p. 200 et seq.; vol. xiv, p. 126 et seq., the former 
being an article by Franz Delitzsch, based largely on information 
procured from Way's daughter, Miss Drusilla Way, supplemented 
by letters from her in vol. xiv, and in turn translated and sum- 
marized in The Everlasting Nation, vol. i, pp. 145-151 (1889). 
Sir John Baring, president of the London Society, contributed 
one of several necrologies of him, published in the Jewish Intelli- 
gencer, vol. vi, pp. 75-7, 152-3 (1840). See also Ralph Harden, 
"Jane Parmenter's Will," Dublin, 1882; and Appendix B, 
infra, p. 84 et seq. 

w Carlebach, supra, p. 96. 

131 Graetz, supra, p. 355, citing Journal de France, October 20, 
1818, and Sulamith, vol. v, pt. 2, p. 275. 

m Graetz, supra. 

^Though the full protocol of the Aix-la-Chapelle Conference 
has not yet been published, Way's memorial is referred to in such 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Eohler. 53 

memorial by Dohm, un ministre du Saint Evangile (sic). 
Dohm's part should be carefully segregated from Way's, and 
the parts presented at the Conference to the Czar from the 
entire work, as printed the next year. The misleading title- 
page, referring to its submission to all the rulers at the Aix-la- 
Chapelle Congress, adds to the confusion. The work consists 
of " Principles " ** to serve as a basis of a memoir, which Way 
seems to have presented to Czar Alexander I at Aix-la-Chapelle 
on October 5, 1818; "Kemarks" on the subject (including a 
separate memorandum by Dohm), 18 * dated Aix-la-Chapelle. 
November 12, 1818, also submitted at the Conference, and the 
more detailed Memoir e sur L'Etat des Juifs, Addresse a S. M. 
I'Empereur de Toutes les Russies, 13 * signed by Lewis Way, dated 
Brussels, September 29, 1818, and described as presented to 
the Czar at Aix, October 5, 1818. This, in turn, was followed 
by Way's full Plan d'une Memoire, dated Aix, September 30, 
(October 12) 1818, m and the extract from the protocol of the 
Conference, November 21, 1818, on the subject. 1 * 8 The general 
approval by the Conference of the sentiments expressed, makes 
it desirable to reprint here, in translated form, Way's " Prin- 
ciples," and Dohm's " Kemark&." 

PEINCIPLES To serve as a basis for a memorial on the actual state 
of the Israelites, and on the benefits that the Christians ought to 
grant to them. 

PRESENTED To His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, October 5, 1818. 

general historical works as Alfred Stern, Geschichte Europas seit 
den Vertragen von 1815, pp. 475, 476; " Memoirs of Prince Metter- 
nich," edited by his son, New York, 1881, vol. iii, p. 209, infra, 
p. 61; P. F. de Martens' important work, Recueil des traites et 
conventions concltis par la Riissie, vol. vii, p. 298. 

w Pp. 5-9. 

135 Pp. 10-13; quoted infra, p. 56. 

138 Pp. 16-26. 

m Pp. 27-78. 

138 P. 79; quoted supra, pp. 50, 51. 

54 American Jewish Historical Society. 

1. All civil and social rights ought to be accorded to the 
Israelites without any difference from those enjoyed by the Chris- 

2. The governments ought to induce their priests, and especially 
the bishops, to preach to their fullest ability both by their example 
and their speech the widest charity toward the children of Israel. 

3. The governments ought to encourage the establishment of 
arts and trades among the Israelites and, above all, to direct them 
toward agriculture; to reward those who make progress and to 
take into their employ those who are capable of usefully filling 

4. The governments ought to make regulations to enable the 
Jewish youth to participate in general education, to the same 
extent as the Christians, in the same colleges, gymnasiums, uni- 
versities, etc. 

5. To accomplish a project so conducive to the well-being of the 
Israelites, it is necessary to establish a central committee com- 
posed of enlightened Christian and Jewish members at Frank- 
fort, Berlin and Warsaw, or in some other place. 

The objects with which this committee would occupy itself would 

1. To establish general correspondence regarding the Israelites 
in all parts of the world. 

2. To encourage the publication of such works as will aim to 
put an end to prejudice, to uproot hatred, and to maintain a 
mutual spirit of good-will and harmony. 

3. To examine different writings opposing the admission of 
Israelites to civil rights, which may appear, and to refute them. 

4. Finally, this Committee would undertake to ascertain the 
best means of reforming and perfecting the civil, moral and 
religious state of the children of Israel, to spread and promote 
mutual education among them and the taste for the mechanical 
and liberal arts. 

PBINCIPLES regarding the duties of the Israelites, if the sover- 
eigns in their wisdom will consent to grant the fundamental ideas 
proposed : 

1. The Israelites, in accepting civil rights in the various gov- 
ernments of Europe, ought to comply with the obligations which 
these changes impose on them. 

2. They ought to contribute, as far as they are able, to the im- 
provement of their habits and to give up customs (non-obligatory 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Eohler. 55 

or non-essential) which tend to isolate them in their secular rela- 
tions from Christians. 

3. They ought to renounce those of their laws which are opposed 
to the laws of the country they inhabit, so that these will not be 
a hindrance to their emancipation and finally they ought to 
assume all obligations common to other citizens. 

4. The wealthy Israelites ought to make some pecuniary sacri- 
fice in order to improve and perfect the education of their indigent 

Primary schools should be established, where needed, in which 
the Jewish children could imbibe moral precepts and the elements 
of useful knowledge, so that each one could thereafter perfect him- 
self in public schools, colleges, gymnasiums, etc., [according to 
article 4, supra, p. 54]. 


1. The sacrifices made by the wealthy Jews and the efforts of the 
young Israelites to acquire an education would be paralyzed, if 
their merits and talents would not suffice to admit them to offices 
and enable them to follow arts and trades, or if the enjoyment of 
civil rights is not solemnly guaranteed by law. 

2. As to the particular regulations of each State, the diet at 
Frankfort, at Warsaw, or other competent authorities could under- 
take to draw them up in conjunction with the respective princes 
or sovereigns, according to the bases and fundamental principles 
laid down by the principal Powers meeting together in Congress. 

3. The rehabilitation of the Israelites ought not to be hurtful 
to society in general; on the contrary, unexpected advantages 
as much for the government as for the people might result from it. 

4. If the general and immediate execution of such a regulation 
as to the admission to employments, and their complete fulfilment, 
would involve inconveniences, the questionable points could be 
postponed to a future time for execution. 

5. Those principles which pertain only to the moral and 
social state of the Israelites will not aim at destroying their 
nationality and will leave them full power freely to follow their 

The principles set forth above were not drawn up solely in 
accordance with the convictions of the author of the memorial; 
they expressed, in several respects, the views of writers distin- 
guished for their publications on this subject, among them Mgr. 
Grggoire, the late bishop of Blois; M. Bail, the former inspector, 

56 American Jewish Historical Society. 

author of a work entitled " The Jews of the Nineteenth Century "; 
M. Dohm, at one time secretary of foreign affairs to H. M. the 
King of Prussia. 

The following, confirmed by forty years of experience, are the 
opinions of the last mentioned on the condition and improvement 
of the Jews as expressed in his own words under date of Novem- 
ber 1, 1818: 

The question [the political reform of the Jews] appears to me to be 
entirely covered by the theory of correct political principles. It has been 
demonstrated in an incontestable manner, as much by my work as by many 
others that have followed It : 

1. That the oppression under which the Jews have lived In almost all 
countries since the extinction of their own state is in contradiction to 
humanity, to the Christian religion and above all to the principles of 
political wisdom ; 

2. That the moral and political degradation of which the Jews are accused, 
is not the result of faults peculiar to this nation, but of the state of opposi- 
tion, abjectness and misunderstanding in which they have been placed for 
many centuries ; 

3. That it is a necessary and absolute consequence from these facts that 
the Jewish nation cannot be relieved of this depravity in any other way 
than by the absolute cessation of the causes which produced it ; 

4. That the amelioration of the Jews will necessarily follow such manner 
of treatment, but this change can only be brought about slowly ; the effect of 
centuries cannot be destroyed in a few years. 


The difference in the attitude of Dohm, who favored gradual 
emancipation, and the French statesmen, Prince Hardenberg 
and Humboldt, who insisted on immediate and complete 
emancipation, is dwelt upon elsewhere (pp. 3, 11, 21, 31, 72-5, 
82, 83 ) in this paper. 

As hereinbefore intimated, there was a close connection be- 
tween the Frankfort Jewish grievance then pending before the 
Bundestag, and the action taken on Way's petition at Aix-la- 
Chapelle. While Way's memorial may have been the occasion 
for making some sort of a pronunciamento on the Jewish 
question at this Conference, it was not the sole cause for such 
action. This is clearly indicated by the large number of differ- 
ent representations made there on behalf of the Jews, and also 
by a letter from von Gentz, who became secretary of the Aix-la- 
Chapelle Conference, written from Frankfort, September 11, 
1818, when on his way thither. In this he said : "" 

Yesterday action was had [at the Diet] on the Frankfort Jew- 
ish matter. Plessen rendered a limited report which, on the 

M Brief e von Gentz an Pilat, supra, vol. i, p. 316; see supra, 
p. 45. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 57 

whole, was not favorable to the Jews, whereupon It was decided 
to appoint a Commission of five [Austria, Prussia, Hanover, Wiirt- 
temberg and Mecklenburg] to endeavor to adjust the controver- 
sies between the two factions. The affair is as good as lost for the 
Jews. It has been badly handled. Various envoys were decidely 
of the opinion that, first of all, for the honor of the Congress 
[of Vienna] and Prince Metternich, the status of 1813 should be 
restored, and only thereafter one should concern oneself with 
legislation and the future. This very praiseworthy view, doubtless, 
might have served as a method of cutting the Gordian knot, and, 
perhaps, it might have been adopted, if if all kinds of " ifs " 
had not prevented. Certain it is that those who spoke most 
strongly against me in this line did not open their mouths at the 
session itself; that Berkheim alone insisted upon it, with direct 
reference to the well-known note of Prince Metternich, until at 
length Wangenheim made every one tremble by a ferocious address 
and cut off all opposition. 

Again on August 15, 1819, Gentz referred to their having 
been occupied very much the preceding day at the Carlsbad 
Conference, of which he was also the Secretary, with the Frank- 
fort Jewish matter, and that it was a very bad symptom, 140 and 
referred to anti-Semitic riots once more on August 20, 1819 
during that Conference. 1 * 1 

In 1822 Gentz referred to receiving a letter from the Jews 
of Liibeck/ 1 * and it appears that their petition to the Bundestag 

i<0 Ibid., p. 405. 

141 Ibid., p. 408. The protocol of the Carlsbad Conference was 
published in Martens, Nouveau Recueil General, tome iv, supple- 
mens, 1846, pp. 8-177, and it appears therefrom that there was no 
official session the day before Gentz wrote his letter of the 15th, 
so it would seem that the subject was considered only semi- 
officially. This is confirmed by Gentz's diary which shows that on 
Saturday, August 14, 1819, Gentz had numerous conferences with 
Plessen, who was particularly active in the Frankfort Jewish 
matter, and with Bernstorff, Berstett, etc., ibid., p. 346. Dur- 
ing the preceding month he had several conferences with the 
elder and the younger Lamel, Herz, etc., ibid., pp. 338, 340, 342. 
See ibid., pp. 349, 353, 355, 367, 371, 373, 374, 377, 378, 379, 395, 397, 
398, 399, 400. 

142 Ibid., p. 355. 

58 American Jewish Historical Society. 

was never even acted upon. 14 * At the thirty-third session of the 
Vienna Ministerial Conference of 1820 a resolution by Prince 
Metternich, referring the Jewish question to the Bundestag 
was adopted. It provided that the various statutes concerning 
the civil improvement of the Jews in the different states of the 
German Confederation should be collected, and made the basis 
of a new treatment of the subject by a commission to be ap- 
pointed for the purpose by the Bundestag. Metternich's alter- 
native suggestion for immediate action was opposed by some 
present. The Commission was in fact appointed but never 
reported. Jacob Oppenheimer and Bresselau, of Hamburg, had 
appeared to urge action in favor of the Jews. 14 * Buchholz ap- 
peared before the Diet also on behalf of the Jewish communities 
in question. 148 

Moreover, there was a further pressing reason for action on 
Jewish disabilities at the Aix-la-Chapelle Conference in 1818. 
A restrictive measure, which Napoleon had enacted in 1808, 
to continue in force for ten years only, on his assumption that 
such a ten years' term was necessary to enable the Jews to con- 
form to the conclusions of his Sanhedrin to become good citi- 
zens of the country of their domicile, and to cease to be an alien 
nation, expired March 17, 1818, by its own limitation. In 
France, by an almost unanimous vote, it was resolved to let 
this restrictive act thus terminate. 14 * In several German 
territories which were surrendered by France by the Treaty of 
Vienna to German potentates, on the other hand, these oppres- 
sive laws, in whole or in part, were expressly continued in force, 
by new edicts in 1818, 14T so that such new legislative fiats, 

iu llse, supra, p. 406. 

"*Ilse, ibid.; Jost, supra, vol. i, p. 406; Haarbleicher, Aus der 
Geschichte der deutsch-isr. Gemeinde in Hamburg, 2d edition, 1886, 
pp. 141, 142; see p. 122. 

* Ibid. 

"Graetz, supra, vol. xi, pp. 303, 351-2; Jost, supra, pp. 108-9. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 59 

contrary to the spirit of the Treaty of Vienna, aroused wide 
comment and demanded further remedial action. 

Light is thrown on the reference in the protocol of the Con- 
ference at Aix-la-Chapelle to the readiness of Austria and 
Prussia (Metternich and Hardenberg) " to furnish all possible 
information concerning the matter " by the discovery among 
Metternich's papers, published in 1881, long after his death, of 
a report, " On the Question of the Jews," indicating that it was 
prepared in connection with the consideration of Way's me- 
morial, and that the Jews of Vienna simultaneously presented 
a similar petition. 148 

148 Probably the following entries from von Gentz's diary throw 
light on this Vienna memorial, and related ones, Tagebiicher. 
(Vol. ii, p. 178.) November 6, 1817: Worked on an important 
memorial on behalf- of the Jews of Austria. November 9, ditto and 
November 10: finished same; November 19: Visit from Moritz 
Bethmann of Frankfort (who held some of the bonds given by the 
Frankfort Jews to Archduke Karl von Dalberg, in payment for 
their grant of civil rights. Von Bethmann was closely in touch 
also with von Gentz during this period, and Russian Consul-General 
at Frankfort, Alexander I having sojourned with him in 1813 
during a visit to that city. His firm was one of the most prominent 
banking-houses of the day, and for years, too, von Wessenberg 
had been intimate with him. He doubtless purchased some of these 
bonds out of sympathy with the Jewish cause, and aided in 
organizing the PJiilanthropin Jewish school of Frankfort, avow- 
edly in order to arouse interest in such an undertaking among the 
Christians of the city. See his biography in Allgemeine Deutsche 
Biographie, vol. ii, pp. 574-6. Immediately after the Congress of 
Vienna, he was active in the efforts to induce Metternich and 
Hardenberg to take up strong ground in the Frankfort Jewish 
matter, and, in this connection, possibly exerted his influence with 
other Powers, in addition, Schwemer, supra, vol. i, p. 399.) Jan- 
uary 10, 1819, Gentz had conferences with Joelson and Lamel, and 
on the 13th Schlegel and Buchholz dined with him. On Decem- 
ber 10, 1819, Salomon and Karl Rothschild from Frankfort called 
on him, and the next evening Baruch. December 13, Senator 
Smidt of Bremen conferred with him and on December 27, he 

60 American Jewish Historical Society. 

It is probable that Prince Hardenberg had a similar memor- 
ial regarding the Jews in Prussia prepared, but no trace of it 
has been found. 149 Alfred Stern's Geschichte Europas seit den 
Vertragen von 1815 15 describes the incident of the Conference 

made an entry of work on the Frankfort Jewish matter with 
Baruch. March 14, 1821, he reported that Rothschild was with him, 
much excited, but he succeeded in reassuring him. (P. 397.) 
June 2: Visit from Buchholz. October 21 contained an entry 
of a conference with Baruch about the Frankfort Israelites. 
(P. 470.) On January 5, 1822, he dined at Eskeles' house with Har- 
denberg and others, and again on March 16, when Rothschild 
and Hardenberg were present. (Vol. iii, p. 2.) "May 1, 1822: 
Rothschild and Baruch excite me with an account of the de- 
plorable Frankfort Jewish matter." On the 9th he prepared 
despatches on the subject, and on the 26th instructions for 
Count Buol. On May 31, Rothschild and Baruch conferred with 
him at breakfast, regarding the Frankfort Jewish matter. 
April 18, 1824, he read the latest Frankfort-Jewish reports, and the 
next day Rothschild conferred with him. On September 2, 1824, 
he received letters from Munich regarding the unexpectedly 
satisfactory settlement of the Frankfort Jewish matter, and five 
days later read a protocol of the Diet session on the subject. On 
November 23, 1825, he conferred with Baron Rothschild regarding 
Roman Jewish affairs, and again, December 2. (Vol. iv, pp. 117, 
120.) Gentz wrote a brief history of the Rothschild family, which 
was published in 1826. See Schriften von Gentz, edited by 
Schlesier, vol. v, pp. 113-23, and his Briefwechsel mit Mutter, vol. i, 
pp. 267-8. He wrote a long series of letters for the information of 
the Rothschilds during a term of years, October, 1828-December, 
1831, on current political events, with Metternich's approval, re- 
ceiving political advices from them also from time to time. Aus 
dem Nachlass Friedrichs von Gentz, Vienna, 1867, vol. i, pp. 9-10, 
124-241, and note. 

149 Wolf, Geschichte der Juden in Wien, pp. 109-11, states that 
Metternich had prepared a memorandum concerning the anti- 
Semitic " Hep-Hep " agitation of 1819 for the Emperor Francis I. 
It could not be found in the secret archives and probably was a 
later document than that drawn up for the Conference of Aix-la- 

150 Vol. i, pp. 475-6. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Koliler. 61 

at Aix-la-Chapelle in*the following passage which is supple- 
mented by bibliographical notes : 

An evangelical clergyman, Dr. Way, through the Russian envoys, 
brought a memorial to the attention of the Congress of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, in which he besought the Powers to grant to the Jews 
full equality of rights and to facilitate their practice of trades and 
agriculture, while the Jews were to abandon unethical practices 
and usury .... A laudatory reference was made in the protocol 
.... This sounded very noble, without having further conse- 

Unfortunately, the Jews of Austria did not experience in 
practice as liberal a system of Jewish rights as was outlined in 
the Metternich report, although there was a tendency on 
Metternich's part to reach such a condition, and his approval 
of the toleration edict of Joseph II is interesting, as it was 
still opposed in many sections of Austria. The report reads : 


307. The Edict of the Emperor Joseph is in full force in all the 
German States of Austria. The Hungarian Constitution is op- 
posed to one part of its execution, but this fact is independent of 
the wishes of the King. 

Schools for Jewish girls exist everywhere. Where the com- 
munity is not large, the children of both sexes frequent the Chris- 
tian schools; every Jew is at liberty to educate his children in 
Christian educational establishments. 

Jews can, under certain restrictions, and in countries where the 
constitutions do not directly oppose it, become landed proprietors. 

* The occasion of this judgment seems to have been the appear- 
ance of a " M6moire sur l'6tat des Israelites, par un Ministre du 
saint Evangile," which was dedicated and presented to the mon- 
archs assembled at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. Besides 
which, the representatives of the Jews in Vienna presented a 
petition to their Majesties, imploring an inquiry to be made into 
the state of the law in respect to the civic rights of members of 
the Israelitish faith. ED. m 

151 "Memoirs of Prince Metternich," New York, 1881, vol. ill, 
pp. 209-10, edited by his son, Prince Richard Metternich, and 
translated by Mrs. Alexander Napier. 

62 American Jewish Historical Society. 

They are subject to the military conscription, like the Chris- 
tians. All grades of the service are open to them: there are staff- 
officers at this day who are Jews. 

Distinctions of every kind except those which require the 
formula of a Christian oath, such as the orders of knighthood 
are given to them. Men remarkable for their civil virtues and 
honourable estate have acquired titles of nobility, which place 
them in the same rank as Christian noblemen. 

They may adopt any profession they like; if there are very few 
in the Civil Service, it is because they do not choose that career, 
or, rather, that those who do aspire to it enter the bosom of the 

Nevertheless, in many places it has been necessary to take 
measures of precaution in carrying out the edict of the Emperor 
Joseph, even after it has been in force many years, because of the 
abuse by Jews of the concessions granted them. Devoted to busi- 
ness, from father to son, assisting each other with large capitals, 
they prefer to gain by either lawful or unlawful trade what would 
cost both care and trouble to attain by other means. 

The laws of the Emperor Joseph have, however, been of real 
benefit; the most satisfactory example that could be cited in sup- 
port of this truth is the difference between the Jews of Galicia 
and those of ancient Poland. 

One of the great difficulties in devising any measure relating 
to the position of the Jews arises from their number. Any hasty 
reform bears heavily on an immense mass of men whom nothing 
can persuade to renounce old customs or adopt new ones. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 63 






It is obvious that the connection between the following remark- 
able paper, prepared by Wilhelm von Humboldt in 1809, and the 
action on Jewish rights at the Congress of Vienna was not remote. 
Humboldt was, at the period of the Congress, probably Prince 
Hardenberg's closest, most valued and important adviser, to say 
nothing of his own high standing politically, and there seems little 
doubt that the emphasis Humboldt placed in 1809 upon Jewish 
emancipation uniformly throughout Germany, is reflected in 
Prussia's course at the Congress, and in many of the arguments 
in the above-quoted state-papers of Prince Hardenberg. In the 
light of Humboldt's report these have a familiar ring to them. 
His scheme of emancipation was even much more thorough and 
complete than Dohm's, and particularly striking and profound are 
his arguments in favor of complete and immediate, as opposed to 
a gradual, emancipation. (See, especially, infra, pp. 72-5, 82, 

On the other hand, Humboldt's plans for promoting the Ger- 
manization of the then largely alien Jews of his fatherland and 
thus abolishing the extra-legal bases of anti-Semitic prejudice 
are still of importance to-day. It is obvious that such a paper 
reveals a thorough acquaintanceship with the Jews of his day, then 
largely governed in their civil, as well as religious, life by their own 
special laws, and is another striking proof of the axiom that knowl- 
edge of the facts is the strongest enemy of anti-Semitic prejudice. 
One cannot conclude that he was as familiar with Judaism as with 
Jews, however. To supplement this paper, therefore, a concise, 
even though necessarily incomplete, account of Wilhelm von Hum- 
boldt's relations to the Jews, especially before 1815, may be of 
service. Strangely enough, no comprehensive treatment of this 
subject has apparently as yet appeared, nor is there any article 
devoted to him in " The Jewish Encyclopedia," unlike Buchholz, 

64 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Dohm, Lessing, Mirabeau, Zola, etc., although a Jewish essayist, 
Dr. Adolph Kohut, selected Wilhelm's brother Alexander (for this 
purpose less important) as the subject of a booklet, Alexander von 
Humboldt und das Judenthum* This is probably aue to the fact 
that the most important incidents along these lines in Wilhelm von 
Humboldt's career came to light only within the past few decades, 
though there is now ample proof at hand to justify his own char- 
acterization, in his private letter to his wife of June 4, 1815, cited 
above, p. 33, that " Alexander and I were regarded, even when we 
were children, as bulwarks of Judaism." The statement as to the 
comparative Jewish neglect of Wilhelm von Humboldt's memory 
should be qualified, however, by a reference to some articles con- 
cerning him published during the past few years by Ludwig 
Geiger, 2 but these are, in effect, merely excerpts of literary interest 
from certain recently published volumes of the correspondence 
between Humboldt and his wife; and the fourth, the most impor- 
tant of that series, seems to have been overlooked. 

Born in 1767, two years before his more famous brother Alex- 
ander, Wilhelm von Humboldt's fame has until recently been 
regarded as probably resting more upon his work as " philologist 
and man of letters," than as statesman, in which latter capacity he 
was prominent from about 1802 on, when he became Prussian 
Ambassador at Rome, until he retired from political life in 1819 
on account of the reactionary policy of the Prussian government, 
to which even his leader, Prince Hardenberg, then yielded. In the 
meantime he was one of Prussia's representatives at the Con- 
gresses of Prague, Vienna, and Paris, was Ambassador at Vienna, 
Paris and London, served as Minister of Public Instruction and 
Councillor of State, and was looked upon by many for some time 
as the probable successor of Prince Hardenberg as Prussian Chan- 
cellor. He was a leader in the war against Napoleon, and a con- 
sistent exponent of German union and of liberal government. 
With his literary career, important as it was, we have here no 

The private teachers of the Humboldt brothers belonged to the 
Lessing-Mendelssohn-Nicolai circles, and at a very early day inter- 
ested their pupils in their liberal and intellectual activities, and 
brought them into close touch with prominent Jews of the time. 
Henrietta Herz, in her reminiscences * refers to their teacher 

1 Leipzig, 1871. 

* Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. Ixlx, p. 620; ibid., vol. Ixxvl, 
pp. 69, 593 ; ibid., vol. Ixxvll p. 228. 

* Landsberg, supra, p. 152. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 65 

Kunth 4 as introducing the two brothers to her husband, or more 
accurately, into her own brilliant salon, when they were only about 
sixteen or seventeen, and Wilhelm, as well as Alexander, soon 
became a devoted admirer of the beautiful and intellectual Henri- 
etta, as well as of her scholarly, much older husband, Markus Herz, 
who was for some time the most esteemed physician of Berlin, and 
whose scientific lectures the Humboldts, together with young 
Prussian princes, attended. The talented young brothers joined 
her " reading circle," to which Dohm, among other brilliant 
intellects of the day, belonged, and which Moses Mendelssohn him- 
self occasionally attended; Wilhelm also heard lectures under the 
famous Dohm in 1785. Both of the Humboldts induced Henrietta 
Herz to teach them to write Judseo-German, and a number of 
letters written to the fair teacher by her devoted admirer, Wilhelm 
von Humboldt, many of them in Judaeo-German characters and all 
showing the nobility and purity of their relations, were collected 
and published from Varnhagen's literary remains after his death. 5 
Henrietta Herz also taught Humboldt Italian, and there are 
hundreds of references to her in his correspondence with his wife, 
one, mentioning his old-time devotion, being given, infra, p. 69. 
About 1787, Henrietta Herz organized the so-called Tugendbund, 
an association of fine young spirits, whose purpose was social and 
intellectual culture, the promotion of love of one's fellow men, and 
the development of a deeper knowledge of humanity, which young 
Wilhelm von Humboldt promptly joined. To this also belonged 
Dorothea Mendelssohn, the brilliant daughter of the great philoso- 
pher, who became Dorothea Veit and thereafter the wife of 
Wilhelm von Schlegel, and her sister, Henrietta Mendelssohn, as 
well as the intellectual Caroline von Dacheroden, who first became 
acquainted with her future husband, Wilhelm von Humboldt, 
through this organization. 8 

4 See Friedrich and Paul Goldschmidt, Das Leben Staatrath Kunths, 2d 
edition, Berlin, 1888. 

Aus dem Nachlass Varnhagens von Ense. Brief e von Chamisso, supra, 
vol. i, pp. 1-134, containing Humboldt's letters to Henrietta Herz. Some 
were reprinted by Landsberg, supra, pp. 161-208. 

Her correspondence with Rahel, among others, was recently published 
under the title, Briefwechsel zwischen Karoline von Humboldt, Rahel und 
Varnhagen, edited by A. Leitzmann (1896), and contains much of Jew- 
ish interest. The first volume of Wilhelm und Karoline von Humboldt 
in ihren Briefen, edited by Anna von Sydow, one of their descendants, Berlin, 
1906, contains a mass of contemporary letters dealing with this Tugendbund, 
and the editor says of it (pp. xvll-xviii) : "The members unreservedly laid 
bare to one another their innermost thoughts and analyzed their finest 
sensibilities, often long before they met face to face. The familiar thou 
(du) united all the members ; a secret code of communication was invented ; 

66 American Jewish Historical Society. 

It is obvious that all the members of this group were intimates, 
and that such close ties of friendship were bound to last through 

Rudolph Haym, the distinguished publicist, edited a collection of 
Humboldt letters T chiefly dealing with educational matters, but the 
work contains, in an appendix, letters on philosophical subjects, 
written by Wilhelm von Humboldt to a Jewish intimate, his college 
friend Beer, who had been a lodger at the Herz household in Berlin, 
and became subsequently a physician at Glogau. A number of these 
letters to Beer were also written in Judseo-German characters, and 
their author says 8 that he wrote a particular letter in German, 
because he was pressed for time, but this would not make any 
difference to his correspondent. The letters contain numerous 
references to the Herz family, to David Friedlander and his 
family, and to Moses Mendelssohn and his daughter Dorothea, and 
Humboldt wrote to Beer in December, 1787, from Frankfort, where 
he was attending the University: 

I cannot yet forget Berlin. If I only had a friend here like you, my dear, 
beet friend. 8 

And again 

I must remain here in Frankfort, while you can live in Berlin, in the best 
house, among the noblest people. 10 

More interesting is Haym's comment about one of Humboldt's 
letters, dealing with Moses Mendelssohn's philosophy: " 

Mendelssohn is meant, in his [Humboldt's] introduction, many years 
later, to the translations from Xenophon and Plato of passages about God, 
pre-ordination and immortality (now Gesammelte Werke, vol. Ill, p. 103), 
In his praise of 4 ' a man in whom Germany for a long time honored not 
merely one of her most acute philosophers, but also one of her finest writers, 
one to whom I owe my culture in the greatest measure, as I am proud to 

Haym added that Mendelssohn had held philosophical-religious 
lectures for his oldest son Joseph in Berlin, published in 1785 

rules were established ; and a deep secrecy lent to the organization the 
charm of a special importance." Piirst's Henriette Herz contains an inter- 
esting chapter of her reminiscences under the title, Bin Tugendbund 
Wilhelm von Humboldt (pp. 156-163). Many of Humboldt's letters to 
Caroline von Wolzogen, subsequently famous and another member of this 
organization, which throw light upon it, were published in 1891 in the 
Deutsche Rundschau (vol. Ixvl, pp. 228-291) by Paul Schwenke as Aus 
Wilhelm von Humboldt'a Studienjahren. 

' Briefe von Wilhelm von Humboldt an Georg H. L. Nicolovius, Berlin 

'Supra, p. 93. 

Supra, p. 103. 

" Supra, p. 107. 

II Supra, pp. 114-15. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 67 

under the title Morgenstunden, which the brothers Humboldt are 
supposed to have attended." Wilhelm von Humboldt carefully 
studied Mendelssohn's writings, as these letters show, and they 
offered to him and his friends rich material for verbal and written 

In the leading biography of Alexander von Humboldt, edited by 
Bruhns " in a section written by Julius Lowenberg, it is said : " 

It Is probable, from the Interest that Moses Mendelssohn Is known to 
have taken in the studies of Wilhelm von Humboldt, that there may be 
tome truth in the tradition that he used to spend " morning hours " in 
walking about the garden in company with the two brothers, and, while 
engaged in friendly intercourse, discoursing to them valuable lessons in 
philanthropy and philosophy. Ample proof, however, exists that inter- 
course of a similar instructive character was maintained between the 
Humboldts and David Friedlander, since several letters are still extant that 
were addressed to him by the two brothers." At his death on December 25, 
1834, his eldest son, Benoni Friedlander received the following expressions 
of condolence from Wilhelm von Humboldt : 

" TBGEL, January 2, 1835. 

" If his life, as you remark, has been a happy one, It has also been one 
of usefulness and honor, for by his worth and talents he has won for him- 
self a position In which he will never cease to be remembered. It is a great 
gratification to me to learn that during the Illness of our deceased friend, 
my brother and I had often been in his thoughts, and It can never be for- 
gotten by either of us how diligently he laboured for our improvement. 
From the kind interest which he manifested toward us from the first, he 
kept us always in a pleased and eager mood, while his quick intelligence, 
the almost uninterrupted cheerfulness of his disposition and his constant 
incitement to some useful occupation, either mental or physical, rendered 
our studies both interesting and attractive. He early directed our minds 
to correct views on several important points connected with life and 
society views, however, which at that time were by no means universally 

Another tutor to the two Humboldts Is referred to by Kunth, under the 
name of Meyer ; probably this was the mathematician Meyer Hirsch, whose 
books on algebra and geometry are still in use as educational works and 
who at that time was engaged in the tuition of some young princes of the 

Alexander von Humboldt wrote an interesting letter on November 12, 
1855, to Rabbi Marco Mortara, of Mantua, regarding this Mendelssohn 
influence," as follows : 

" As I had the honor from my earliest youth to be associated In Germany 
with distinguished men among your coreligionists who were interested in 

" Kayserling's Moses Mendelssohn, pp. 422, 426 ; Lowenberg In Bruhns, 
Leben von Alexander von Humboldt, vol. 1, p. 29. It Is interesting to notice 
that Gentz came to Berlin as a nineteen-year-old youth, bearing a warm 
letter of recommendation, dated August 16, 1783, from the philosopher 
Kant to Moses Mendelssohn, and it is not unlikely that it was through 
Jewish Influences that Gentz secured an entry into intellectual and influ- 
ential Berlin circles. He was also warm in praise of Moses Mendelssohn. 
See Brief e von und an Friedrich von Gentz, edited by Fr. C. Wittichen, I. 
Briefe an Elisabeth Oraun, Garve, Botticher, Munich and Berlin, 1909, 
pp. 76, 139, and 141, citing Kant's Briefe, vol. 1, p. 188. 

" English translation, London, 1873. 

14 Vol. i, pp. 22-24. 

15 See transcripts in Kohut's Alexander von Humboldt und das Judenthum. 
14 See Adolph Kohut's book, pp. 65, 66. 

68 American Jewish Historical Society. 

philosophy and mathematics, and inasmuch as one of our greatest and oldest 
writers, Lessing's friend, Moses Mendelssohn, exerted an influence upon 
the education which I and my brother enjoyed in the antediluvian period, 
I notice with very great pleasure how the love of science and serious study 
in various fields is being developed among the Jews, despite the obstacles 
which the sad legacy of bygone centuries and the religious intolerance of 
the Middle Ages, interposes." 

In fact, Moses Mendelssohn exerted a profound influence upon the 
intellectual worlds of Germany and France in that day, some of it 
more indirectly through his friends, Lessing and Nicolai. 

In Bruhn's work 1T Henrietta Herz is described as having been the most 
noted beauty in Berlin, while her intellectual gifts were also emphasized. 
It is there said that the phrase : " Whoever has not seen the Gendarmen- 
platz and Madame Herz, has not seen Berlin," was a current saying of the 
day. She pointed out in her reminiscences, that it was chiefly due to the 
Protestant Humboldt that the Pope fared as well as he did at the Congress 
of Vienna. 18 

Among other intimates of Humboldt were Rahel Varnhagen, and 
David Veit, another of Rahel's diligent correspondents, 19 as was also 
Ludwig Boerne. Throughout his life Humboldt was on intimate 
terms with the members of the Mendelssohn family, particularly 
Dorothea Schlegel, and well acquainted with her sons, the artists 
Veit, and with the Arnstein and the Eskeles family, of Vienna, ana 
the Bartholdy family. 

Humboldt's correspondence with his wife is replete with refer- 
ences to these persons, among other Jews, and we also find about 
1834 an interesting characterization from his pen of Rahel Levin 
Varnhagen von Ense. 20 

Under date of August 14, 1814, from Vienna, Humboldt char- 
acterized Dorothea Schlegel, as follows: " 

I was a very long time at [Dorothea] Schlegel's and had a most interest- 
ing conversation with her. She has always had an undeniably great, and 
now a more delicate, intellect (Geist), and whatever is bound up with it; 
she is also more profound now, whereas she was formerly dry and reticent. 
We spoke mostly about her husband and his projects, but went from this to 
more general topics. 

Particularly interesting is a passage in a letter which Humboldt 
wrote to his wife from Chatillon, March 2, 1814, near the end of 

" Vol. 1, p. 41. 

18 Ftirst's Henriette Herz, pp. 160-2 ; compare Mejer's Zur Geschichte 
der romisch-deutschen Frage, three volumes, 1885, especially vol. i. pp. 
446-491 as to the Congress of Vienna in its relations to the Catholic Church. 

" See Brieftoechsel zwischen Rahel und David Veit, two volumes, Leipzig, 

20 Brief e von Wilhelm von Humboldt an eine Freundin, containing an 
introduction by Ludwig Geiger, Deutsche Hand- und Haus-Bibliotek Col- 
lection Spemann, vols. Ix, Ixxi, part II, p. 176 et seq.; letters No. 149 
(December 3, 1834), 150 (December, 1834-February, 1835). 

n See Sydow, supra, vol. iv, p. 376. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 69 

which he refers to his old-time admiration for the distinguished 
salon leader, Henrietta Herz: 

My chief reading, in addition to the classics, is Bossuet ; that you can 
relate to Gentz, who will be edified over it. I derived from him reinforce- 
ment for my old and earliest ideas about the Jews. I also accomplished 
something at Chatillon for the Jews, whom I always aid. I read an edict 
in our newspapers, providing that in case of dissection of corpses in legal 
proceedings, a Jew's services should never be secured, but only a Christian 
physician's. This discrimination made me indignant ; accordingly, I wrote 
to Kircheisen, the Minister of Justice, that he should abolish such a 
measure, based on prejudice, by enacting a new law, and I hope he will 
follow my suggestion. They are the last embers of my devotion (Pietat) 
toward [Henrietta] Herz. However, she has herself almost become a 
Christian. All are deserting the ancient gods. 22 

Among intimate acquaintances of Wilhelm and Karoline von 
Humboldt was Dr. David Ferdinand Koreff, who became a distin- 
guished Prussian physician soon after Markus Herz's time, ac- 
quired important political influence with Humboldt, Hardenberg 
and even royalty itself, and was also a litterateur. Speaking of the 
circumstance that Karoline von Humboldt and her daughters ar- 
ranged to make room to enable Dr. Koreff, their physician, to lodge 
in a house in Berlin, in which they were sojourning, Varnhagen 
wrote to his wife on June 26, 1815: 

It affords me further satisfaction that Koreff is a Jew, because they are 
so hostile to all the Jews. 23 

Of course, Wilhelm von Humboldt's chief services to the Jews 
have already been noted in our paper, comprising mainly his report 

12 Wilhelm und Karoline von Humboldt in ihren Brief en, supra, vol. iv, 
p. 260. It must be conceded that Jean-Paul's famous bon mot regarding 
several of the Jewish salon leaders of this period, that there was so little 
of the Old Testament about them that they all married into the New, was 
substantially correct. While Henrietta Herz did not marry out of the 
Jewish faith, she, too, became a convert to Christianity In 1817, soon after 
her mother's death. Some years later, in her reminiscences, she wrote a 
striking explanation of the indifference of her generation to Judaism, 
blaming It upon the poor educational methods, especially for girls, in vogue 
among the Jews. These failed to interest them in their faith. The trend 
toward Christianity on their part was ascribed by her to the continuance of 
out-grown forms and unintelligent Hebrew instruction. Landsberg, supra, 
pp. 107-109. 

28 Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen und Rahel, Leipzig, 1875, vol. Iv, 
p. 155 : see regarding Koreff, ibid., p. 180, and Varnhagen's Biographische 
Portrdts. Nebst Briefen von Koreff, etc., Leipzig, 1871 ; Briefe von Stage- 
mann, Metternich, Heine und Bettina von Arnim. Aus dem Nachlass Varn- 
hagens, Leipzig, 1865, pp. 22-23, 64 ; Briefwechsel zwischen Karoline von 
Humboldt, Rahel, etc.; Landsberg, supra; Berdrow's Rahel Varnhagen; 
3. E. Hitzlg's Leben und Briefe von Adelbert von Chamisso, constituting 
vols. v. vi of his edition of Chamisso's Werke, 2d edition, Leipzig, 1842 : 
Ludwlg Geiger's Aus Chamisso's Frilhzeit, Berlin, 1905 ; Briefwechsel 
zwischen Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm: aits der Jngendzeit, edited by Hermann 
Grimm and G. Henrlchs, Weimar, 1881) ; Euphorion, vol. xvi, p. 664. It is 
not unlikely that he was related to the Solomon Koreff of Prague who figures 
in an article under that title In " The Jewish Encyclopedia." 

70 American Jewish Historical Society. 

of 1809 on Jewish emancipation and his activities on their behalf 
at the Congress of Vienna. The report on Jewish emancipation is 
discussed in Gebhardt's Wilhelm von Humboldt als Staatsmann* 
but, as that writer seems to have been unfamiliar with the sub- 
sequently published literature regarding Humboldt's activities 
at the Congress of Vienna, and this evidence of Prince Harden- 
berg's absorption of Humboldt's views, its importance was unduly 

As hereinbefore indicated, the arguments in this report in favor 
of an immediate and complete Jewish emancipation are in striking 
contrast even to Dohm's famous plea, and it is, in fact, a 
political classic. The accidental circumstances that no Prussian 
edict was issued on this subject until three years later, that mean- 
while different drafts were prepared by others," and that Huna- 
boldt ceased to remain in the ministry are of little significance; 
no other Prussian statesman of the day who studied the question 
had the standing Humboldt then enjoyed, nor his influence with 
Prince Hardenberg, and we find Hardenberg immersed in Hum- 
boldt's reasoning by 1814-1815. Unfortunately, Humboldt was 
ahead of his time, and the edict of 1812 by no means measured up 
to the principles he had laid down. 88 

As regards the Congress of Vienna, his statement as communi- 
cated to his wife in the letter of June 4, 1815, cited above, that if it 
had not been for his devotion and perseverance to the subject, the 
efforts made there on behalf of the Jews would have failed, is doubt- 
less accurate, and it is sustained by Smidt's contemporary reports, 
though undoubtedly, other great statesmen of the day also cham- 
pioned this cause, no less disinterestedly than he. It may well be 
that, if he had remained in active political life, the reactionary 
forces would have been unable to check Jewish emancipation in 
Germany so long and so sweepingly." 

* 1896 ; vol. i, p. 21, vol. 11, pp. 310-22. 

M Collated in Freund, Die Emanzipation der Juden in Preussen, Berlin, 
1912, vol. 11. p. 291 et seq. 

M For a detailed treatment of the edict of 1812 see Freund, supra; and 
an Interesting chapter on its history is contained in Alfred Stern, Abhand- 
lungen und Aktenstilcke zur Geschichte der preussischen Reformzeit, Leip- 
zig, 1885, pp. 225-62 ; see also, my paper, " Jewish Emancipation a Century 
Ago and To-day," in The Reform Advocate, December, 1917. 

"An illustration in point of measures which he would have opposed, 
occurred during his London ambassadorship, and is referred to by von 
Stagemann in a letter to Rahel, dated February 1, 1816 (Briefe von Stage- 
mann, Metternich, Heine und Bettina von Arnim, Leipzig, 1865, p. 30) : 
" The King wishes to convert the Jews willy-nilly to Judaism. He has 
forbidden all Jewish services In the German language in the private houses 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 71 

As shown in our paper, Humboldt and Gentz, at least, labored 
zealously to secure action on behalf of the Jews at the German 
Diet which met in 1816 at Frankfort, pursuant to the provisions 
of Article XVI of the German Constitution, adopted at Vienna. 



The present condition of the Jews among us the improvement of which 
is the important problem of every system of legislation concerning this 
people rests upon causes and is connected with circumstances making It 
impossible for any single state to deal with them effectively and radically. 
Three characteristics distinguish the Jews from all other people of antiquity, 
particularly In their relations to each other : 

(a) Leading originally a nomadic life, they often migrated subsequently, 
from necessity frequently, at times voluntarily, and they were not infre- 
quently subjected to foreign rule. 

(b) An ecclesiastical-political organization, in which religion (in ts 
pure conception) often became almost a nullity. 

(c) A system which imposed an external mark of distinction upon the 
male sex (by reason of which the religious organization may be character- 
ized as political), that separates them even from those among whom they 

These three characteristics, merged together, have made of the Jews what 
they still are among us. Possessing the resulting national character, 
which enabled them to take a leading part in all great events of the world, 
and yet one which itself defies complete analysis, it chiefly manifests itself 
in the Jew in a stubborn attachment to primitive custom and in a remark- 
able power of passive resistance. This national character linked together, 
however, to Christian ideas, by reason of which Judaism and Christianity 
in one aspect belong in one class, while in another, they are to be regarded 
as diametrically opposed to each other gave to the comparatively unim- 
portant Jewish race, even in antiquity, an entirely disproportionate import- 
ance. Their condition is, accordingly, an ecclesiastical world-historical 
phenomenon, a phenomenon so remarkable that intellects certainly not 
mean have repeatedly wondered if they can be accounted for in a merely 
human way. 

of prayer. They should attend the services and hear Hebrew spoken there, 
because they are not better than the Catholics, who must listen to their 
masses in Hebrew, to-wit, Latin." 

1 This is taken from Wilhelm von Humboldt's Gesammelte Schriften, 
issued by the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, Berlin, 1903, vol. x, 
pp. 97-115, this volume bearing a subtitle : Politische Denkschriften, part I, 
1802-1810, edited by Bruno Gebhardt. This draft was particularly sug- 
gested by Minister von SchrStter's proposed legislation of 1808, designed 
" to make the Jews useful citizens in time." After SchrStter's withdrawal 
from office, Dohna submitted this draft of a new law to the various leading 
Prussian officials for their views. Many Jews had immigrated to Prussia 
from adjacent German states during the Napoleonic Wars, which fact 
accounts for some of the restrictive provisions contained in the bill. Hum- 
boldt's colleagues in the section for religion and public instruction rendered 
concurring opinions a few weeks later ; see Freund, supra, vol. il, pp. 269-91. 

72 American Jewish Historical Society. 

The means to bring about a change in this condition, as will readily be 
seen, are to be considered with respect to the above three chief causes. 
These means are : 

1. Assimilation ; 

2. Destruction of their hierarchical mould ; 
8. Regulation of their place of abode. 

However, as long as these measures are attempted only in a single state, 
assimilation will never become potent enough ; and in. regard to religious 
ideas, the contrast between Jew and Christian will necessarily continue, 
until the notion that Christianity is the very opposite of Judaism is 
universally dissipated. 

Accordingly, here there are difficulties which no legislative system, least 
of all a single one, can wholly overcome. 

it must be plain and undeniable, however, that every scheme of legisla- 
tion regarding the Jews surpasses every other one to the extent that it 
makes segregation unnoticeable and assimilation more thorough. 

However, here again two systems are to be differentiated, one of which 
seeks to abolish segregation at once, and the other only gradually. 

Considered by itself alone, and I might say from the purely logical point 
of view, it can scarcely be denied that only a sudden grant of equal and full 
rights, is just, politic, and consistent. 

Just: because no possible legal principle can be thought of, why the Jew, 
who desires to assume all the duties of the Christian, should not also 
participate in all his rights. It would, therefore, have to be first demon- 
strated that in some particular country the Jews entered it under an 
agreement for the continuance of only partial concessions, and not merely 
that Jews, already found there, were tolerated with merely such limited 
rights. Even then the political question would become all the more 
important : Should we tolerate the presence of aliens possessing only such 
limited rights in a state? 

Politic: for a leap is necessary, an immediate declaration is requisite to 
obtain public esteem, necessary even for their moral welfare, for persons 
who are despised, not on their own account or because of their individual 
conduct, but on account of prejudice, and because they are made to suffer 
for the shortcomings of their brethren, as though they belonged to a caste. 
No matter how many well-behaved Jews the public may see, it will not on 
that account change its opinion concerning the Jews per se, but will always 
regard the Individual cases as exceptions. Not that the State should exactly 
teach esteem for the Jews, 2 but the inhuman and prejudiced manner of 
thinking which judges a man, not in accordance with his actual character- 
istics, but according to his descent and religion, and considers him, not as 
an individual, but as one belonging to a race, and necessarily sharing alleged 
common attributes of the race, should be abandoned. But this the state 
can only accomplish by declaring distinctly and unequivocally that it will 
no longer recognize any distinctions betweeen Jews and Christians. Finally, 

Consistent: for a gradual emancipation merely emphasizes the segrega- 
tion which it desires to abolish, in all matters that are not repealed, and 
doubles the same, precisely because the new and greater freedom attracts 
attention toward the disabilities still continuing, and therefore works 
toward defeating it own aim. 

However, the whole basis of the system of gradual emancipation is. in 
my opinion, grounded upon a theory of legislation which, though at one 

3 In the original draft, the following passages also appeared : " But the 
state should teach not for the sake of the Jews, but because of Christian 
ethics that it should never be admissible to speak and say of any human 
being, whom God has endowed with reason, heart and freedom of will, as it 
would of animals, possessing mere instinct : the Jews have this and that 
radical fault, are fraudulent, degraded, etc. But this is what it does, when 
it makes public declarations." 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 73 

time accepted, has long since been properly abandoned. It Is in fact one 
which regards legislation as a method of educating the citizen ; where it has 
the means at hand, it strives towards positive results, and, starting from a 
definite conception of the character and culture of the nation, deems itself 
capable of leading its subjects toward progress and even toward another 
stage of development. 

However, it seems to me, as the State is to raise itself only through the 
bestowal and limitation of rights, and thereby to set in resulting proper 
balance the rights of the citizens, it can merely strive, in negative fashion, 
and must leave positive effects for the free activity of the nation. More- 
over, it must esteem humanity sufficiently to know that the moral stand- 
point of a nation can never be accurately gauged, much less that its 
development can be calculated beforehand and mechanically, inasmuch as 
a nation receives more frequently, and wholly from within, sudden impulses. 
As all history teaches, these, far from inducing resulting legislation, on the 
contrary often compel her to follow their lead. In short, the State is not an 
educational, but a political institution. 

To return to the Jews, one has been proceeding on certain assumed con- 
cepts of their character, whereas, with respect to accuracy and degree, 
and here clearly, accuracy and the question of degree are determinative, 
practically no statesman will agree with any other. This character it is 
sought artificially to change ; and, as one finds it altered from time to time, 
greater civil rights are to be granted to the Jews along with those already 
enjoyed by all others residing in the state. 

Anyone who has seriously studied national characteristics will know of 
how little value Is one's experience, on which one bases one's views In 
judging them, and what a rare combination of real philosophical insight 
and of quick and delicate power of observation is requisite in forming 
Judgments. On the other ^and, in an equal degree with such a capacity, 
the positiveness of one's judgments abates, and the result finally Is that a 
cautious man will seldom shape his conduct upon them, a conscientious 
man will never predicate upon them the granting or withholding of rights. 

One is, moreover, involved in the most serious difficulties in endeavoring 
to gauge the progress of a nation's advance. How, for example, should we 
judge whether the Jews have become more worthy of public esteem? 
Should it be on the basis of a collection of Individual actions? Or, on 
official reports on a thousand different matters, but not based upon human 
observation by efficient officials concerning a subject, on which even indi- 
vidual consideration finds it difficult to reach a conclusion? Or, even on 
statistical tables, showing how many Jews mastered this or that industry, 
became agriculturists or soldiers? If upon such externals the general 
valuation of a single unhappy race is to be made dependent, it is to be 
determined by reason of them whether an irreproachable Jew can be as 
competent a witness as the first Christian coming along, I believe, never- 
theless, such a course to be incompatible with the plainest dictates of 
human dignity. 

If a state should desire to be consistent on such a point, It would be 
compelled to have the legislation concerning the Christians differ also, and 
their civil rights vary in accordance with the culture of the recipients, 
which notion, fortunately, has not thus far been advanced by any one. 

Doubtless some one may say, in reply, that it is not a matter of culture, 
nor even a matter of manners, which distinguishes the Jew from the 
Christian, but really the element of probity, the element that makes men of 
men. But does experience justify anyone in casting such obloquy upon a 
whole nation? Would not the only remedy to allay such a notion if this 
unnatural condition existed anywhere demand the immediate extirpation 
of such a view, because, otherwise, the individual person, no matter what 
he does, remains despised and necessarily despicable? And would not a 
government which gives expression to such an anathema in connection 

74 American Jewish Historical Society. 

with a new legislative scheme, 8 necessarily effect the emigration of the 
better elements of the race, and leave only the worse behind? 

The point at which, as far as I can see, legislation must certainly take into 
account a thorough understanding of the race, is not as to the purpose of the 
state itself, the determination of the rights of citizens, and the limits of its 
activity, but as to the selection of means for carrying out plans based upon 
universal principles. For this purpose even an incomplete knowledge of 
character will serve (and no other is possible). For with respect to means, 
one can change without detriment and judge of their utility by their 

According to my convictions, no legislative system concerning the Jews 
will therefore accomplish its purpose, other than one which will find it 
unnecessary to employ the term " Jew " in any signification except the 
religious one ; and accordingly I favor only one which places Jews and 
Christians on an absolute equality. If the former would not be ready at 
once to assume the obligations, devolving upon all citizens, I would, if all 
measures toward this end had been exhausted, rather expel them entirely 
from the land. For, to endure persons within a state who would counte- 
nance the manifestation of so little confidence in them, even amid our 
advanced culture, as withholding from them the commonest civil rights, 
would be prejudicial in the highest degree to the morality of the whole 

What is urged against a complete and immediate grant of equal rights is 
that this would be a leap from one extreme to another, and danger would 
arise therefrom to the state. 

The former of these, obviously, Involves a misunderstanding. If an 
unnatural condition is turned into a natural one no leap, certainly no 
hazardous leap, is involved ; such can be found only if an unnatural, if a 
real leap from natural to abnormal, antagonistic, conditions, takes place. 
One converted from serf to master changes his status ; because master and 
serf are unusual phenomena. But if one merely unbinds hands that were 
shackled, the subject merely reaches the natural condition. 

The danger really seems so great because one assumes all Jews at once 
to be In actual possession of advantages, which, as a matter of fact, it is 
possible for them to acquire, but which, from the nature of the thing, they 
would actually achieve, only Individually and gradually, just as Christians 

I cheerfully admit that I do not perceive any great danger on that score. 
What must, in any event, minimize it with every one are the following 
considerations : 

1. The state should exercise complete and strict police supervision, and 
the Jews, enjoying equal rights, would be compelled to obey the law just as 
the Christians are, and then no danger would have to be apprehended. 

2. The state might direct specifically, wherever the nature of the subject 
permits and requires it, under what conditions and within what limits 
various pursuits may be carried on, and the Jew, as well as the Christian, 
would be bound thereby. No pursuit could suffer, which is, after all, the 
sole purpose aimed at. 

3. If the Jew follows a pursuit contrary to its spirit as, for Instance, 
if he should turn an agricultural pursuit into a commercial venture, his 
own self-interest would soon promptly set him right. Should that not be 
the result, this would merely be one of those cases which strong and virile 
legislation would overlook. 

4. Public office cannot be acquired by a person at his own volition. For 
this an appointment from the state would be required. As to this, there- 
fore, the state always reserves control of the matter. 

5. The general danger that the Jew would supplant the Christian is 
chimerical on Its face ; it becomes a danger In fact only by reasoning in a 

1 The following words were stricken from the original draft, " providing 
even, for example, that no Jew should be permitted to deliver acceptable 

Jewish Eights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 75 

circle, because it is first assumed that the distinction between Jews and 
Christians politically is to be abolished, and it is next assumed that 
politically it will not -be a matter of indifference whether a pursuit is 
followed equally well by a Jew as by a Christian. 

Even if the danger, however, did appear to be appreciable, one would 
nevertheless have to carefully consider that, as against this, the oppression, 
breeding now a really appreciable immorality among a number of Jews, 
would be wholly eliminated, and that, which would still remain, diminish 
day by day. For, a sudden equalization would very soon render the differ- 
ence between Jews and Christians unnoticeable. On the other hand, a 
gradual amelioration would not merely render this danger imminent to some 
extent, but, coincident with the differences themselves, would continue to 
exist, if not perpetually, nevertheless much longer. 

Those who are too timid about granting a sudden equality of rights are, 
on the other hand, too eager to adopt a gradual amelioration which carries 
with it the double dangers of the old and the new condition while working 
on the assumption that both are being diminished. 

Taking up, now, a criticism of the present edict, after considering these 
general views, from the spirit of which they are markedly at variance, 
as also the system on which they are based, it must be conceded that the 
Jews acquire, pursuant to them, a high, and in many respects satisfactory, 
degree of freedom, barring, however, some very glaring exceptions, as also 
some other provisions which are in direct contradiction to them. Disre- 
garding these, this legislation would gain for them an appreciable advance 
in their physical welfare, if one were able to overlook the underlying want 
of moral esteem for them involved. 

However, as general defects the following may, I think, be properly noted : 

1. It confirms and enlarges the demarcation between Jews and Christians 
which it is its precise aim to abolish through regulations seeking to 
bring all resident Jews into categories and statistical tables and through 
petty precautions that no alien Jew be permitted to immigrate to the land. 
Section 75 requires the production of a certificate of circumcision, and by 
Section 98 [not merely the authorities but] also the people at large are 
requested to keep an observant eye upon the settlement of a Jew. On the 
contrary, the achievement of the general purpose would make it desirable 
that every one who is not called upon to act in religious matters should be 
oblivious whether a person be a Jew or not, at which Section 2b* aims, 
whatever else may be said against it. 

2. It expresses a moral depreciation of them in an almost repelling 
fashion. For, while it ascribes to the Jews a high degree of mental culture, 
as being at least completely possible of achievement, it robs them of all 
reliance upon their probity, loyalty and veracity. Compare in this respect 
Sections 9, 10 and 30, with the annotations. 8 

4 Section 2b requires that the Jews shall wear German clothing and shave 
their beards. 

8 Section 9. In particular said persons [all native Jews] may hold all 
academic and communal positions, as they are educated up to them. 

Section 10. The appointment to public office of the present generation 
in general cannot be permitted. Power is reserved, however, in case 
superior capacity is exhibited by particular subjects, to make exceptions 
to this rule. 

Section 30. The provisions of the Allffemeine Gerichts-Ordnung, Theil 1, 
Titel 10, Section 230, No. 12 are also to continue in force for the first 
generation. These clauses provide that Jewish witnesses shall not be 
accorded the full credit Christians are entitled to. The maintenance of this 
provision, particularly for the present time, is desirable, owing to the 
lamentable evil consequences resulting from the lower morality of the 
poorer classes of Jews in particular. 

[From the Annotations.] 

76 American Jewish Historical Society. 

3. The express establishment of a chief-rabbinate lends additional 
strength to the ecclesiastical organization of the Jews, which, as already 
observed, is markedly more political than religious, and constitutes one of 
the greatest obstacles to assimilation. In a desire to modify gradually the 
ritual laws through the chief-rabbinate, as is explained in the annotations, 
the policy is once more pursued of having the State undertake affirmative 
activities. If one make provision, as the edict does very satisfactorily, 
for enlightened and learned rabbis, no occasion exists for establishing a 
chief-rabbinate, because, so far as the Jews may do so at their own 
instance, it will loose the bonds between the individual Jewish churches 
and not introduce a peculiar orthodoxy among the Jews. In a much 
greater degree it will promote schisms, through natural and proper 
tolerance, and the Jewish hierarchy will crumble of itself. Individual 
persons will realize that they have merely a ceremonial law and really no 
religion, and feel impelled to turn to the Christians on their own desire, 
actuated by the inherent human need for a higher faith. Then, their 
conversion would become desirable, gratifying and philanthropic, while 
now when it involves the desertion of their oppressed brethren and the 
discarding of burdens hitherto borne in order to be branded as baptized 
Jews among Christians enjoying full rights It is only excusable under 
peculiar circumstances. 

4. The framing of the edict is not satisfactory, inasmuch as it makes a 
long and in part (as in Sections 8 and 29 ) really illusory enumeration of 
the new rights of the Jews. 

If even now in the Prussian state the epoch has not yet arrived when the 
difference between the rights of Jews and Christians ceases, it is always 
better, first of all, briefly to enumerate their disabilities, and then to declare 
that, with respect to their remaining rights and duties, they are absolutely 
equal. The Jew, who reasonably can ask nothing except equality of rights, 
is frightened by every long edict, because, in his opinion, proper ones can 
comprise only a few lines. 

This being first noted, 1 comment upon individual sections as follows : 


The provisions hereby required of the Jews (with the exception of cloth- 
ing and the shaving of beards, as every citizen is privileged to wear such 
decent clothing as he chooses, and the Jews will drop these distinguishing 
marks very soon at their own instance) must be viewed as universal legal 
requirements with penal provisions for non-compliance and not conditionally. 

An enumeration of the Jews seems to me to be most useless in so far as 
it is to serve for determining rights and duties. On the other hand, 
certificates of citizenship exist, and I think there must also be enumera- 
tions of denizens and of craftsmen who are not citizens. As soon as a 

Section 8. All resident Jews shall enjoy equal rights with the Christians 
except in so far as this edict contains no provision to the contrary. 

Section 29. The Jews are subject to the same civil laws as Christian 
believers, and are governed by the same civil and legal relations, other than 
this ordinance provides. 

T Section 1. All Jews and their families now living in Prussia and hold- 
Ing letters of protection and concessions are to be regarded as native Jews 
and Prussian citizens. 

Section 2. The continuance of their status as citizens is, however, per- 
mitted only on conditions that they collectively bear definitely adopted 
family names, wear German clothing, and have their beards cut ; and in 
keeping books of account, documents and other writings designed for public 
use employ the German language and German or Latin characters. 

Section 3. In order to comply with these conditions three months' grace 
is granted to them ; those not complying with them are to be regarded as 
alien Jews. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 77 

system of village police Is organized, a similar institution will be established 
in the country, and then Jews as well as Christians will be registered. A 
person not registered is merely a traveler, a foreigner, subject to expulsion 
beyond the boundaries at a moment's notice, and therefore not dangerous. 

Where reference is had to a right that can be exercised only by a 
Christian, the baptismal certificate should be required ; thereby the Jew Is 
necessarily excluded, without requiring registration. Never should the 
Jew, however, be required to prove that he is a Jew. Because, take the case 
of a father who refrains from having his sons circumcized, without having 
them become Christians. Would the State compel him to resort either to 
circumcision or baptism? 

In this connection I think one should reiterate the often repeated pro- 
posal to have births and marriages evidenced through civil forms, in addi- 
tion to the ecclesiastical rites connected with them. Complaint has often 
been made about the unreliability and errors of the church records, and in 
any event it would be safer to secure a double attestation of occurrences 
that are so important for civil life. 

SECTIONS 9-10. 8 

These sections ought, in my opinion, to be absolutely changed. 

In the edict itself there is only one awkward phrase. The draftsman 
realized that a complete exclusion from public office would be unjust and 
inexpedient as well. He provided for exceptions and simply overlooked the 
fact that it would be better, along these lines, not to mention the subject 
at all. Inasmuch as the bestowal of public office is always dependent upon 
the selection of the government. 

The provision regarding the universal police, however, absolutely excludes 
the Jews from all public office ; nevertheless, it permits the acquisition of 
academic and communal appointments. 

As against this, the matter of public instruction must be preserved 
inviolate. In order to be a teacher not merely talent and scholarship are 
necessary, but also morality and a sense of duty, and scholarship itself 
requires the one, as well as the other, if it is not to be mere learning by rote. 
This the schools and universities can better dispense with. The section 
regarding an industrial police recognized this, and the one dealing with the 
police in general must have overlooked the connection between the two 
sections, for a nation which is to be universally excluded from offices of 
state, because of doubts regarding its sense of duty, cannot logically be 
made qualified to fill teaching positions. This would involve not honoring 
said nation, but lowering the post of teacher. 

The section regarding public instruction ought not to determine whether 
the Jews may secure state positions. If the negative view is to prevail, it 
must be taken into account and insisted upon that Section 9, as far as it 
relates to school positions, shall be eliminated, and there, also, either the 

Section 4. Their family names must be . declared by them before the 
police authorities within six months. Publication through the public news- 
papers of the province shall be at the expense of the person concerned. 

Section 5. Within the time limited the police authorities of every place 
shall prepare an alphabetical enumeration of the Jews enjoying protection 
and concessions and annex the letters of protection. 

Section 6. The authorities of the province shall prepare the registers- 
in-chief and issue to every Jew who is protected or licensed a certificate 
that he is a resident. This certificate shall take the place of the letter of 

Section 7. Regarding the enumeration, further particulars will be 
determined upon. 

8 See Sections 9 and 10 quoted supra, p. 75. 

78 American Jewish Historical Society. 

exclusion of Jews be made absolute, (which, however, is not to be favored, 
nor is any curtailment based upon the fluctuating condemnation of a whole 
nation), or their capacity left to rest upon individual qualifications within 
their circle, without regard to descent and religion, where religion does 
not come into play. But an expression, which insults the entire teaching 
staff, cannot be allowed by the ministry to remain in a public edict, and the 
section regarding their duties cannot be overlooked. 

In connection with Jewish communal positions, it has perhaps not been 
borne in mind that, according to uniform principles, the Jews also would 
find a place in a national representation. Surely it would be extraordinary 
if one, who may become the representative of his entire nation, cannot fill 
any, perhaps unimportant, public post. I cannot agree with the distinc- 
tion made in this respect in the section regarding the industrial police. A 
prejudice injurious to the rights of many members of the state, such as 
disrespect for the Jews, must not be ignored by the state, but it should 
declare squarely against it. 

According to my views Sections 9 and 10 should be entirely omitted. 
Capacity in general Is self-understood, and the actual enjoyment of these 
privileges is dependent upon the people at large, the authorities, and the 
king, and within their control. 

SECTIONS 12-15.* 

Concerning the removal of restrictions upon settlement in the country 
districts, I am fully of Privy Counsellor Kohler's opinion. 

SECTIONS 18-20. 10 

Privy Counsellor Kohler correctly remarks that the discrimination sought 
to be abolished is, in fact, preserved, if the ecclesiastical commoners 
(Kirchliche Qemeine) are carried over into political regulations. But the 
same thing is done if desertion by a Jew is punished more severely. That 
such desertions will not be frequent, the mockery and the reproaches of the 
Christians will assure ; if, meanwhile, a few cases of desertion do actually 
occur, is it necessary for the State to legislate so much in advance regarding 
the prohibition of every such single contravention? 

SECTIONS 21, 22." 

I agree with Privy Counsellor K8hler. 

The edict attempts to confine residence as a rule to the cities ; in the 
rural districts the Jews may sojourn only as common agricultural laborers 
or as rural manual-laborers, and may acquire real estate only under the 
conditions specified In Section 85. K6hler on the contrary desires to make 
sojourn in the rural districts easier, to permit them to acquire any kind of 
land there, and to follow every authorized civil pursuit. (Kohler was 
counsellor in the section dealing with industrial police. See Kohler's 
report in Freund, supra, vol. ii, pp, 251-60.) 

10 Section 18. The Jews are also subject to military conscription and 
cantonal duties, and, in fact, in the most stringent terms. 

Section 19. At the expiration of six months and after names have been 
fixed upon for them, they are to be entered in the cantonal books and family 

Section 20. If a Jew deserts, the community must provide two of its 
members as substitutes for him. 

II While this edict fixes the age at which marriages may take place at 21 
for male Jews and 16 for Jewesses (Section 21), and establishes severe 
penalties for violations (Section 22), Kohler desires to make the general 
laws of the land applicable to the Jews. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 79 

SECTIONS 23-26." 

If the state determines accurately who In fact Is an alien, Industrially 
qualified and subject to all the general governmental burdens of denizens, 
there will be no need for the distinction between natives and aliens in con- 
nection with marriages. In order to qualify an alien to become a denizen, a 
formal act will be necessary, in the case both of Jews and Christians. This 
cannot be consummated without prior notification to the officials of the 
state. Here also what was said above about marriages as actes civiles 


The abolition of the requirements under consideration and the circum- 
stance that the Jew must be able to render absolutely competent testimony, 
even against Christians, I regard as a fundamental prerequisite of every 
admissible scheme of legislation regarding the Jews, and as an absolute 
requirement for every reform of this people. Neither in civic gatherings 
nor in schools nor In daily life can human beings have any kind of human 
intercourse with one another or any relations going beyond a simple civil 
coexistence where one section, by reason of Its descent, inspires suspicion as 
to its elemental moral attributes, its veracity, in the other. This must be 
legally borne by the one and maintained by the other. It would be much 
better to retain the old order of things. 

SECTIONS 36, 37." 

If the acquisition of citizenship, which can always be denied, were to be 
conditioned upon an express authorization from the king, these specific 
legal requirements would be unnecessary, as the government would not be 
bound to render an account of the reasons which impel It to withhold Its 

Moreover, I coincide with Privy Counsellor Kohler in not regarding the 
Immigration of foreign Jews as so dangerous. 

SECTIONS 38-40. 1 ' 

Loss of citizenship should be imposed on Jews only where Christians 
Incur the same penalty. A law which seeks to abolish the difference between 

11 Section 23. Solemnization of marriages among native Jews requires 
no authorization ; the rabbi must have the requisite age, as also that the 
parties are natives, established before him, and notify the police. 

Section 24. Natives may marry foreign women without authorization 
when the requisite legal age is established. 

Section 25. Through marriage with a native Jewess, no foreign Jew can 
acquire a legal right of settlement in Prussia. 

Section 26. Foreign male Jews ought not in fact be married in this 
country ; in exceptional instances leave to do so may be secured. 

" See supra, p. 75. 

14 Section 36. Prussian citizenship can be acquired by foreign Jews only 
with the authorization of the Minister of the Interior on the application 
of the authorities. 

Section 37. The application must be based upon special services to the 
state, excellent scholarship, new undertakings conductive to the general 
philanthropic good. Other grounds will be rejected. 

18 Section 38. Loss of citizenship shall result from the commission of all 
offences carrying with them imprisonment in a fortress for one or more 

Section 39. Also in case of dealing in contrabands, voluntary bankruptcy, 
counterfeiting of coin, introduction of counterfeit coins, forgery, larceny, 
concealing stolen property, even If lesser penalties than hereinbefore men- 
tioned are fixed by law. 

Section 40. The courts are formally to decree loss of citizenship in all 
such cases. 

80 American Jewish Historical Society. 

the two religious communities does not do well to represent the acquisition 
of citizenship by the Jews as an extraordinary favor. 

Moreover, what is to become of those thus punished? To banish them 
from the land is difficult, and to allow them to remain with Inferior rights, 
as above remarked, very doubtful policy. 

SECTION 43. u 

This seems unnecessary, as It Is unlikely that an adequate number of 
Jewish families will be found In the villages. But even If they should be 
encountered, there Is no reason for preventing the formation of rural 


Privy Counsellor KShler's comment is fully justified. 


Inasmuch as the examinations are to be scientific only and their purpose 
negative : to exclude Illiberal and Ignorant persons from the position of 
rabbi ; not positive : to determine their capacity for such a post, these 
examinations ought to be conducted by scientific functionaries, not by the 
ecclesiastical and school functionaries. It were well then for the former 
to call Into conference scholarly Jews. 

SECTIONS 59, 60." 

That Jewish laymen constituting merely an ecclesiastical corporation 
should have a Christian director-ln-chief, his compensation to be borne by 
them, seems extraordinary to me. I think it would suffice If the selection 
of the rabbis requires an examination on an authorized subject and their 
confirmation would rest with the Government. 

SECTIONS 66-68.* 

I have already expressed my views regarding the Chief Rabbi. If the 
laymen do not ask for the establishment of such an office, none should, in 
my opinion, be required. 

Conflicts between the laity and their rabbis are naturally to be decided, 
If they are not real law-suits, by the government of the province, and if a 
knowledge of the Jewish religion is necessarily involved therein, it will 
secure opinions from distinguished rabbis. In the second instance the 

18 Section 43. Synagogues may be erected only in cities. 

II Section 54. Every candidate for the rabbinate must have studied three 
years in a university of the state, and furnish certificates of attendance at 
philosophical courses and of the study of Oriental languages. KShler wants 
to have these requirements continue only as long as they govern Christians. 

18 Section 56. The examination of rabbis on scientific lines and their 
confirmation are delegated to the ecclesiastical authorities of the province. 

" Section 59. The board of directors shall consist of the dlrector-in- 
chlef chosen from among the city magistrates and two directors selected 
from the Jewish heads of families ; confirmation by the magistrates Is 

Section 60. They must serve for three years gratuitously ; reelection is 
permitted. The salary of the director-ln-chief must be defrayed by the Jews. 

10 Section 66. In Berlin a Chief Rabbi shall be appointed to supervise all 
the Jewish communities of the monarchy. 

Section 67. All the community shall contribute to his compensation. 

Section 68. Complaints against rabbis are to be investigated and adjusted 
by him ; the court of final appeal shall be the provincial authorities (pro- 
rinzial Behorde) and the section on religion (Section des Cultus). 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 81 

matter goes to the section on religion. These authorities are the ones to 
pass on dismissal of the rabbi, but in deference to the wishes of the laymen 
only if a special concern of the state be involved. 

SECTION 69. 21 

The text-book for religious instruction used by the rabbi, must assuredly 
be approved by the state. It must, however, conform, within the require- 
ments of the general censorship, to the principle that the state shall not 
regulate religious affairs. 


This is very good. Nor should there be permitted any longer special 
Catholic schools and least of all those of the Reformed Church. 

SECTIONS 72, 73. 

Special Jewish hospitals should certainly be permitted. But Jews should 
certainly not be barred from the general Christian institutions, and par- 
ticularly for this reason it Is desirable that they should contribute to their 

SECTIONS 76-80." 

According to my views, this supervision on the part of the state as to the 
number of Jews or Christians that should be allowed to pursue this or that 
occupation goes too greatly Into petty details. However, as the state does 
frequently establish such provisions and at least heretofore the nobility was 
not permitted to ply common pursuits, these limitations can certainly be 

SECTIONS 81-93. 28 

I agree with Counsellor KBhler. 

21 Section 69. Religious Instruction shall be imparted by the rabbi on 
the basis of text-books approved by the state. 

22 Section 70. For general instruction for their children Jews may secure 
the services of private teachers or the existing public schools. Special 
Jewish schools will not be permitted. 

13 Section 72. Jewish hospitals and almshouses are to be governed by 
the requirements as to private endowments. 

Section 73. Their existence shall not relieve those supporting them from 
their obligation to contribute to the maintenance of public Institutions of 
this character. 

24 Section 76. Trade in all cities of the monarchy Is permitted. 

Section 77. In order that they be Induced to take up other occupations, 
in the large cities ten Christian merchants, and six In the small, should be 
found to each Jewish merchant. 

Section 78. The Jews may pursue all kinds of trade except dealing In old 
clothes, which Is not permitted to any Jew. 

Section 79. A Jew may also be a broker. 

Section 80. If the Jews exceed their quota In the cities, more will not 
be allowed to immigrate until the normal number is reached. 

15 Section 81. With respect to Jewish merchants acquiring residence, the 
same requirements must be observed as In the case of Christian merchants ; 
the former shall also have the same relations toward mercantile corpora- 
tions as the latter. 

Section 82. The like conditions shall be applicable to other Jewish 

Section 83. Country property Jews may acquire only with the consent of 
the police. 

Section 84. Consent will be given only on condition that the Jewish 
transferee obligates himself (a) on such agricultural estates as have no 

82 American Jewish Historical Society. 

The term, moneyed business (Geldyeschaft) , is, clearly, too indefinite. 

SECTION 97. 21 

To encourage informers may be very dangerous, in view of the relations 
between Jews and Christians, and In the light of the hatred prevailing in 
many places. It would not lead to the desired end of establishing friendly 
relations between the two religious parties. 

SECTION 102-122.* 1 

That Jews who have not yet become citizens of the state in the manner 
above prescribed should not be permitted to ply civil pursuits, is quite 
proper, but it ought apply to the Christians also. For he who wishes to 
ply his vocation ought also to be compelled to bear his share of the burdens 
of the state. But that traveling Jews merely should have passports, be 
allowed to stay only twenty-four hours, etc., is an offensive regulation, 
which will make the differences between Jews and Christians perpetual. It 
will never become necessary, for generally applicable police supervision Is 

Finally, an observation, emphasizing caution in connection with new 
legislation regarding the Jews, would perhaps not be out of place. 

The present condition of this nation must necessarily involve great 
external and also physical drawbacks, but morally the want of esteem in 
which they find themselves, does not affect either them or the Christians 

farmers, that he will secure within six years one-quarter of his employees 
from among his coreligionists ; (b) on his acquisition of estates on which 
there are farmers, such will be collectively relieved from service, and all 
farms within three years will be delivered to their occupants free from tolls 
in respect of service, drink and mill. 

Sections 85-88. Penalties if the above conditions are not complied with. 

Section 89. Mills, Inns, public houses, etc., may not as a rule be owned 
by Jews. 

Section 90. For the establishment of factories in the country, an authori- 
zation shall be necessary. 

Section 91. Jews may not carry on trade in the rural district. 

Sections 92-93. Penalties for violations thereof. Kohler desires to omit 
Sections 83-88 ; to Sections 89 and 90 he wishes to add mills. 

* Section 94. The moneyed business by Jews with Christians of the rural 
districts or loans of merchandise by the former from the latter is prohibited. 

47 Section 97. From all these penalties, the informer is to receive one- 
half the recovery, the other half to go to an eleemosynary institution. 

28 Section 102. Foreigners or such as do not comply with the provisions 
of Section 2 shall be regarded as alien Jews. 

Sections 103-6. Settlement is forbidden to them ; they may not become 
rabbis or synagogue officials, or apprentices, or be employed for industrial 
purposes. Penalties provided for the communities for infractions hereof. 

Sections 107-122. Entry of foreign travelers is permitted, but they 
must have a pass and secure a passport; penalties for omitting their 
town, for leaving the route, for begging and peddling ; they may not remain 
in any place longer than 24 hours, then they must report to the police and 
apply for a permit to sojourn longer ; the passport for a locality must not 
be valid more than two weeks, except in the case of fairs when not over 
four weeks' leave for foreign Jews in transit through the country may be 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle KoJiler. 83 

very much. For this condition is regarded as a survival of barbarism and 
former prejudice, and it is assumed that the state itself discountenances 
it, but has waited with abolishing it solely because of the many practical 
difficulties attending its alteration. 

But in a new law the government expresses its own views, borne by it 
now, regarding the Jews and the possibility of their civil amelioration, and 
this opinion must necessarily be of the greatest importance in shaping the 
general sentiment of the nation. A new legislative system regarding the 
Jews that is not quite wise, may thereby perhaps remove many physical 
detriments, but gives rise to the possible danger of creating new, greater 
moral drawbacks also, than even their present condition presents. Through 
the misdirection of the universal opinion and the strengthening of the old 
prejudices against the Jews such evil arises. 

July 17, 1809. 

8i American Jewish Historical Society. 





Way's relations to Czar Alexander I of Russia were typical of 
those of two groups of English missionaries, who exerted great 
influence upon the entire treatment, not only of the Jews in Russia 
and Poland at this period, but of religious affairs in general from 
1813 to 1825, during the reign of this monarch, and we refer here 
to the British and Foreign Bible Society and the London Society 
for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, and their leading 
workers of that day. The circumstances that accounts of their 
activities were printed chiefly in England, and in annual reports 
and similar books that are seldom consulted even there, is respon- 
sible for a failure not only on the part of Jewish historians, but 
of historians of Russia in general, to utilize this material ade- 
quately. It is clearly established that Alexander I in 1812 on the 
eve of the Napoleonic invasion of Russia was induced by his inti- 
mate, Prince Galitzin, to read chapters from the Bible daily, 
and from then on all projects for popularizing the Bible and 
encouraging its translation and general reading among his sub- 
jects greatly appealed to him. This was so, although the Russian 
Holy Synod, like the Roman Catholic Church, had discouraged 
the popular study of the Bible. Around the same time the Rus- 
sian Ambassador at Stockholm, doubtless at the instance of Alex- 
ander I and Galitzin, sent for one of these British Bible Society 
workers, Rev. John Paterson, and urged him to start organized 
work at St. Petersburg. Paterson was given a safe-conduct into 
Russia at a time when that empire was still at war with England 
as Napoleon's ally, being informed that Russia would side against 
that " Anti-Christ " very soon. Soon thereafter, the Russian 
Bible Society was started, with generous imperial aid, Prince 
Galitzin, Alexander's Minister of Worship and Public Education, 
becoming its president. The Bible was translated into Russian 
tongues, and thereafter under these auspices hundreds of thou- 
sands of copies of it were circulated in all the languages of the 
empire. In line with this, special efforts to organize public schools 
were made by Alexander and Galitzin, with the aid of Joseph 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 85 

Hamel, William Allen, Heard, and Capodistrias, the English " Lan- 
caster " type being particularly favored. The Bible Society 
workers were especially interested in labor among the Jews 
of Russia, its workers, Ebenezer Henderson, Robert Pinkerton and 
John Paterson, 1 and their associates often directly cooperating in 
Jewish conversion activities with the missionaries of the London 
Society for Promoting Christianity Among the Jews, such as 
Rev. Lewis Way, Benjamin N. Solomon, Johann C. Moritz, 
Rev. Mr. Cox and Joseph Wolff. 

The annual " Reports with Appendices " of the Bible Society, 
and the separate works and biographies of its three leading 
missionaries above named, are full of references to the condition 
of the Russian and Polish Jews, and these also reprinted the 
reports and announcements of the Russian Bible Society and its 
branches. These writings, of course, must be used cautiously, as 
these missionaries were naturally disposed to over-emphasize the 
then benighted condition of the Jews in Russia and Poland and the 
success and hopefulness of their own evangelizing efforts among 
them. They were, however, often humane, sincere men, eager 
to improve the condition of their unfortunate Jewish fellows 
aside from proselytizing efforts, and Jews in Russia in some 
numbers purchased copies of the translation of the Old Testament, 
as also, it was contended, of the New, and aided the general work 
of the society, oblivious of its missionary proclivities. The same 
is also true of the information in the annual reports with appen- 
dices of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the 
Jews, its monthly periodical, The Jewish Expositor, and sep- 
arate publications by some of its leaders. The society had distin- 
guished and influential men among its officers, and expressly took 
up, under Way's direction, foreign work on a large scale, by reso- 
lution adopted at its annual meeting, May, 1817. This resolution 

1 See, besides their letters in the " Bible Society Reports with Appendices," 
and the publications of the London Society, E. Henderson, " Biblical Re- 
searches and Travels in Russia," London, 1826, especially pp. 196-245, 
306-39, 416-9 ; T. S. Henderson, " Memoir of the Rev. B. Henderson," 1860, 
written by his daughter ; Rev. John Paterson, " The Book for Every Land," 
1858 ; William Swan, " Memoir of the late Mrs. Paterson, wife of the 
Rev. Dr. Paterson," Edinburgh, 1824, 3d edition ; Robert Pinkerton, 
" Russia," London, 1833 ; idem, " Present State of the Greek Church in 
Russia," New York, 1815, especially p. 273 et seq. ; idem, " Extracts of 
Letters from Rev. Robert Pinkerton," etc., London, 1817, practically a 
reprint from the Bible Society Report ; biographical sketches in the " Dic- 
tionary of National Biography " and Owen's and Canton's histories of the 
Bible Society, infra. 

86 American Jewish Historical Society. 

was anticipated by a sermon by Way, thereafter printed, preached 
on that occasion. Way himself had four different interviews with 
Alexander I in Russia in 1817-1818, in the course of prolonged 
travels which lasted a year and four months, undertaken at his own 
expense, in aid of his Jewish conversionist projects, and at 
Alexander's instance he visited the Crimea in connection with the 
proposed Israelite-Christian colonies there, 2 concessions for which 
he seems to have been mainly instrumental in securing. 8 

On the other hand, even non-proselytizing activities on the part 
of these men, such as the improvement of general educational 
opportunities among the Jews, as well as their labors for Jewish 
emancipation, and particularly Russian governmental approval of 

* See Dubnow, " A History of the Jews of Russia and Poland," vol. 1, 
pp. 396-7 ; the Imperial ukases were printed In full in The Jewish Expositor, 

1817, pp. 384-91 ; see also, " The Jewish Encyclopedia," s. v., Israelite- 

* In its May 8, 1818, report, the London Society stated that " Alexander I 
received him [Way] in the most condescending and friendly manner, and 
gave him the warmest assurances of zealous support and cooperation on all 
measures tending to the promotion of Christianity among his numerous 
Jewish subjects. There is reason to believe that, since the date of the 
latest accounts from Mr. Way, which left him at Moscow, he has visited 
the Crimea, under the express sanction, and probably also in the company, 
of his Imperial- Majesty. The importance of that peninsula, as an object 
of investigation on account of the number of Caraite Jews residing there, 
need not be enlarged upon by your Committee." The appendix to this report 
contains numerous letters from Way and Rev. R. Cox, a companion of his, 
down to November 28, 1817. The 1819 report of the society contains 
B. N. Solomon's account of his activities, while accompanying Way, and 
following up his plans in Russia and Poland, pp. 21-5, 28, 29, 50-65, as also 
Robert Pinkerton's and Moritz's reports on their proselytizing activities, 
pp. 43-50. So also the 1820 report, pp. 49-58, 79-94, and The Jewish Ex- 
positor, during this same period, contain occasional letters from Way, but 
he does not seem to have published any circumstantial reports of his 
activities nfter November 28, 1817, except letters covering his efforts 
in March and April, 1818, after his early interviews with Alexander and 
Galitzin : The Jewish Expositor, 1818, pp. 273-84. At the society's 1819 
meeting, it was announced that letters from Way from Russia were not in- 
cluded, out of deference to his presence at the meeting itself, especially " as 
such insertion would only be an anticipation of statements which will appear 
in a journal already announced for publication." See The Jewish Expositor, 

1818, pp. 223-7, and the Way-Solomon letters in that volume, but the journal 
referred to does not seem ever to have seen the light of day. It is possible, 
however, that the intermediate period was covered in a work of Way's, 
which I have not been able to locate in this country, published by him in 
1818, entitled, "A Letter Addressed to the Bishop of St. David's, Joint 
Patron of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Among the Jews, 
with an Appendix." It was referred to in The Jewish Expositor, 1819, 
pp. 37-38, and a copy is listed in the British Museum Catalogue.. Some 
such " Letter ' was referred to as containing further letters from Way in 
the course of an address at the 1819 meeting of the society by Rev. Mr. Cox. 
The Jewish Expositor, 1819, p. 240. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 87 

their plans along these lines, were quite certain to encounter 
opposition from Jews, who were naturally inclined to look for 
conversionist motives emanating from these sources. Thus, the 
converted Jewish missionary, Solomon, submitted an educational 
plan, having independent non-conversionist features, to the gov- 
ernmental authorities in 1818, which his society approved,* for 
non-religious instruction for the Jews in Poland, in the course of 
which prudent laws for educational reforms enacted by Emperor 
Joseph II and the king of Holland for their Jewish subjects were 
adverted to. But he unwisely added: 

That a similar plan might be easily adopted and enforced by his imperial 
Majesty, on his Jewish subjects in Poland, will, I think, admit of no ques- 
tion whatever that such a plan, if prudently conducted, will and must 
ultimately, prove useful in conducting them to the Christian faith, will 
admit of little doubt. But one circumstance I must take the liberty of 
stating to your Excellency, viz., that some of the more enlightened part of 
their community ardently wish, and impatiently wait, for his Majesty's 
command respecting such an institution, and they even request me to pro- 
pose it to his Excellency Prince Galitzin, and to state, they are willing to 
assist in forming a plan that would involve the government in no expense 
whatever, and the object of which would be, to turn a part of the public 
properties of the communities, otherwise spent in useless ceremonies, &c., 
into this most salutary channel. 

Naturally, the publication of such weak arguments in favor of 
a good cause, general education, alienated devout Jews and de- 
feated its own ends, even as far as these were salutary. Prob- 
ably for this reason Way was advised not to be guilty of the 
indiscretion of publishing accounts of his interviews with Alex- 
ander and his chief officials, and changed his original plans in that 
regard. Solomon describes some of Way's activities, however. 
At the suggestion of Alexander I, then the most influential man 
in Europe, Way went to the Aix-la-Chapelle Conference to submit 
his memorial in aid of Jewish emancipation there, enthusiastic 
and hopeful of the results of his humane and really disinterested 
labors. The life of William Wilberforce, an active official of both 
the Bible and Conversion societies, by his sons s contains an 
interesting account of an interview which Way, as the emissary of 
the great opponent of slavery, had with Alexander shortly before 

4 " Eleventh Report of the London Conversion Society," 1819, pp. 28-31, 
50-65, especially pp. 54, 55. Compare Way's recommendations on this 
subject at Aix-la-Chapelle. supra, pp. 54, 55. Note also the recommendations 
of Dr. Frank, a Jewish physician in Russia, to the governmental authorities 
in 1800 In favor of Instruction in Russian, German and Hebrew for Jewish 
children which are referred to by Hessen in Monatsschrift, supra, vol. Ivll, 
p. 259 (1913). 

Five volumes, London, 1838, vol. iv, p. 333. 

88 American Jewish Historical Society. 

the Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle met. In a Latin account of it, 
addressed to Wilberforce, Way wrote in 1817-8: ' 

It was not an audience of a private man with an Emperor, but rather a 
most friendly exchange of views of a Christian with a fellow Christian. 
What genial condescension, what an inviting smile, what an open heart, 
what fiery words and what love ; almost, or rather complete and absolute, 
divine love ! It was the spirit of God which manifested itself in this 
memorable interview. 

Some years later, at the request of the Swiss evangelist, 
Empeytaz, who was in close touch with both Alexander I and 
Mme. de Kriidener, Way added notes to an English translation 
of Empeytaz's pamphlet " Some Particulars relating to the late 
Emperor Alexander, with notes by L. W." 7 In the last-cited 
edition, Way is referred to as having 

had interviews with the Emperor at Moscow, at Aix-la-Chapelle and in the 

and in one of the notes,* language regarding interviews with 
Alexander by Way is used similar to that employed in the letter 
to Wilberforce above quoted, and he also says: * " I have often 
conversed with Alexander." Miss Drusilla Way wrote an account 
of some of her father's activities for Prof. Franz Delitzsch at 
Rev. P. L. D. Acland's request, as follows: 

In 1817 he [my father] went to the Continent, in order to pave the way 
for the Mission [London Society]. In Berlin he enlisted the English 
Ambassador, Sir George Rose, in the cause, who has since then been one of 
its most zealous promotors. Introduced by him to the Crown Prince, he 
interested the latter also, who became so fond of him, that he subsequently 
presented to him through Sir George Rose an allegorical enamelled porce- 
lain piece, as a token of bis grateful remembrance. His real destination 
was Russia. Here in St. Petersburg he had four deeply affecting inter- 
views with Emperor Alexander, who received all he told him about the con- 
dition of the Jews and the duty of the Christians, to interest themselves 
In their external and spiritual welfare, with the warmest and liveliest 
sympathy. At this time the Emperor developed a scheme for a Jewish- 
Christian colony m the Crimea, which was, however, never realized. It was 
his express wish that my father meet him at the Congress in Aix-la-Chapelle, 
in order to lay before the gathering of notables there and bring close to 
their hearts, the matter of the Jews. Sir Thomas Acland, who was present, 
in friendly fashion aided him in this appeal to the sovereigns of Europe. 10 

e /6td.; also quoted by Miss Way in Saat auf Hoftnung, vol. xiv, p. 128 

7 London, 1830, second edition, translated by William Henderson, Aber- 
deen, 1855. 

1 P. 12. 

P. 13. 

19 Saat auf Hoffnunff, vol. xiii, pp. 211, 212 (1877). Subsequently, accord- 
ing to Miss Way, ibiil., vol. xiv, p. 127, Way desired to continue action on 
Jewish affairs at the Congress of Verona in 1822, but Count Nesselrode 
answered him politely that the time afforded for despatch of the programme 
already agreed upon, was so brief, that the Emperor would have to deny 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 89 

When, however, the reactionary elements succeeded in convincing 
Alexander that the Bible Society workers were in danger of under- 
mining not merely the established Greek Church, by popularizing 
the Bible and educating the populace, but also of overthrowing 
autocracy and promoting revolutionary efforts, Alexander's atti- 
tude completely changed in 1824. Galitzin was removed from his 
exalted office as Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Public Edu- 
cation, and ordered to resign the presidency of the Russian 
Bible Society; popularization of the Bible in Russia was stopped; 
the Society's labors were throttled, and reactionary fanatics were 
given full sway. A number of the foreign religious workers were 
ousted from Russia. Naturally enough, the Israelite-Christian 
movement also died a natural death with the removal of Galitzin, 
and its other sponsors, and the liberal attitude of the Czar 
towards Jewish amelioration changed. It is thus apparent that the 
position cf Alexander's administration towards the Jews was 
governed during the last thirteen years of his reign in a large 
degree by his attitude toward the Bible Society and its workers, 
and it must be considered largely in this respect." 

himself the satisfaction of resuming in Verona the relations begun in 
St. Petersburg regarding Jewish affairs. Way evidently was acting in 
concert with other advocates of Jewish rights, for evidently a passage in a 
letter written by Gentz to Pilat from Verona, November 24, 1822, Brlefe 
von Gentz an Pilat, supra, vol. ii, p. 118, referred to the same plan. Gentz 
wrote : " Buchholz has selected an unfavorable time. Nothing is still 
more uncertain than the future organization of our representation, nothing 
more undecided than the position of Handel. Kress is In no position to give 
information about these matters, and he dares not even discuss them, not 
with the Prince, whom he fears entirely too much to do so, not with Mtinster 
nor me, since he does not trust us. Anyway, this matter does not belong at 
Verona." See W. Allison Phillips, " The Confederation of Europe," pp. 266- 
280, regarding the Verona Congress in general. 

11 See, besides the works above-cited, Peter von Goetze, Furst Alexander 
N. Galitzin und seine Zeit, Leipzig, 1882, a work written by a subordinate 
of Galitzin in the Foreign Religions Bureau ; A. N. Pypin, Die Geistiaen 
Bewegungen in Russland in der ersten Hdlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts: I. Die 
russische GeseUschaft unter Alexander I, a German translation of the second 
edition of a classic Russian work, which, unfortunately, Incorporates by 
reference only In notes on pp. 489, 622, 623, some more specialized 
Russian articles by the same author, published in the Russian periodical, 
Vestnik Evropy as follows : " The Bible Society " in volume for 1868, Nos. 
8-9, 11-12 ; " Madame de Krlidener," 1869, August-September ; " Emperor 
Alexander and the Quakers," October ; " Memoirs of the Quaker Grel. de 
Mobi, regarding his sojourn in Russia 1818-1819 " in Russk Starina, 1874, 
vol. ix, pp. 1-36 ; " Correspondence of Galitzin und Photi." vol. xxxiil-v, 
1882 ; " Lobzln's Expulsion," 1875, vol. xi, pp. 283-91 ; N. Tourgenieff, 
La Rustic et leg Russet, 3 vols., Paris, 1847 ; J. H. Schnitzler, " Secret 
History of the Court and Government of Russia under the Emperors Alex- 
ander and Nicholas," London, 1847 ; Theodor von Bernhardl, Geschichte 
Russlands und der europ&ischen Politik in den Jahren 18U-18S1; Schliemano, 

90 American Jewish Historical Society. 

Despite his mystical-religious vein, Alexander I was repeatedly 
characterized by people who knew him well as liberal and toler- 
ant, and the complete collapse of the Jewish-Christian conversion 
movement, after the downfall of the Bible Society, confirms the 
view that he promoted this project solely to oblige the English 

Geschichtc Russland-s unter Nicholas I; vol. 1 dealing with Alexander I's 
reign ; Oeuvres Completes de J. De Maistre, Lyons. 1886. vol. viii, pp. 336, 
341, 345 ; Correspondence Diplomatique de Joseph de Maistre 1811-17, ed. 
by Albert Blanc, 2 vols., 1860, especially vol. ii, pp. 362, 363, see pp. 57-62, 
117-122, 308-13 ; Duke Mikhallovich, L'Empereur Alexandre I, vol. ii, 
p. 327 ; Rev. John Owen, " History of the Origin and First Ten Years of the 
British and Foreign Bible Society," 3 vols., London, 1816 ; Canton, " History 
of the British & Foreign. Bible Society," 2 vols., 1904 ; M. Philippson, 
Neueste Oeschichte des judischen Volkes, vol. i, pp. 73-6, 135-7 and the bib- 
liography on pp. 395, 396, and " The Jewish Encyclopedia " articles, by 
the late Herman Rosenthal, on Alexander I, Agricultural Colonies in Russia, 
and Russia, and their bibliographies, properly described as " excellent " by 
Philippson. It should also be observed that Madame de Kriidener, who 
wielded such great influence over Alexander I for some time, had 
several Jewish, or baptized Jewish, intimates, including (1) the 
methodistische Jude Asch, as Rahel Varnhagen von Ense describes 
him (which does not necessarily mean that he was converted, in 
view of the then common primary meaning of the term methoddstisch, 
compare A. Asch, Maimonides Lebensgeschichte, Berlin, 1816, and A. Ber- 
liner, Zur Familienname Asch, but as tending to the contrary see Metternlch's 
Memoirs, supra, vol. iii, pp. 59, 60), in a letter to her husband, in which she 
mentions Madame de Krtidener as Asch's patron. Briefwechsel zwischen 
Varnhagen und Rahel, vol. v, p. 5, September 17, 1815. (2) Joseph Wolff, 
the missionary ; Eynard, Vie de Mme. de Kriidener, vol. ii, pp. 139-145 ; 
" Travels and Adventures of the Rev. Joseph Wolff," London, 1861, pp. 35, 
36 ; and (3) Ludwig H. Friedlaender. See " The Jewish Encyclopedia " 
biography. Moreover, Madame de Kriidener's brother was an active director 
of the Russian Bible Society, as was also Count de Lieven, the Russian 
Ambassador at London, who, with his wife, and Prince Galitzin. was 
present at the Aix-la-Chapelle Conference in Alexander's retinue, as were 
also members of the Baring banking firm, whose head, Sir John Baring, was 
then president of Way's London Conversion Society. Also present were 
Thomas Clarkson, the abolitionist, sent to Alx-la-Chapelle by Wilberforce, 
to aid in the effort to prohibit the slave-trade by international measures, 
and who had an interview lasting an hour and a half there with Alexander, 
and Sir Thomas Acland, the " religious Member of Parliament and inti- 
mate of Wilberforce," whom Miss Way refers to. See also, E. Daudet, 
Autour du Congres d'Aix-la-Chapelle, in Le Correspondent*, vol. ccxxviii, pp. 
38-60 (1907) ; " Life of Wilberforce," supra, vol. v, pp. 1-4 ; " Life of Bishop 
Samuel Wilberforce," by A. R. Ashwell, vol. i, pp. 4, 5, 6, 65, 85, 116, 158, 
212 ; " Dictionary of National Biography," vol. i, Acland ; Sweet, " Life of 
Sir Henry Hoare." Knutsford's " Life and Letters of Zachary Macaulay," 
London, 1900, pp. 345-6 ; " Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Well- 
ington," vol. xii, pp. 673, 760-1. 

Robert Owen, the Socialist, also was present in the interest of his propa- 
ganda, and, curiously enough, he was armed with a letter of introduction 
from " his friend Nathan Rothschild," to von Bethmann, at whose house 
in Frankfort Alexander I again stopped on his way to the Conference, and 
who showed Owen many attentions. Bethmann, it will be remembered, is 
elsewhere referred to, supra, p. 59. See also, R. Owen, " Life of Robert 
Owen," London, 1857, vol. i, pp. 182-6, 190 ; vol. ia, pp. 212-22. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 91 

missionaries in question. 12 Early in his reign, he manifested his 
naturally liberal disposition, by conferring enlarged rights and 
privileges upon the Jews." When he came more under reaction- 
ary influences, however, restrictive legislation affecting the Jews 
was imminent," but the Bible Society influences induced him to 
call a halt on such measures, and to promote a programme of 
enlarged rights and broader general education for the Jews. These 
influences were strengthened by Alexander's appreciation of 
Jewish patriotism in the War of 1812 against Napoleon." The 
statement of the missionary, Rev. John Paterson, at the London 
Society meeting of May 9, 1817, 18 that 

Emperor Alexander had been particularly Interested in their [the Jews'] 
favor from their fidelity to him in the time of the French invasion 

is confirmed by Jewish sources to the effect that the Czar issued a 
manifesto, expressing this appreciation. 17 

These incidents certainly manifested the Czar's deep interest in 
the education of his Jewish subjects, and, as seen, he was deeply 
concerned in educational programmes for all his subjects. He went 
further and afforded to the Jews free access to the public schools 
and universities of his empire, such as they were, and directed 
that in Jewish schools, maintained by the community, Russian, 
Polish, or German should be taught. 18 Unfortunately, plans of this 
kind emanating from Christian missionaries, engaged in prosely- 
tizing work among the Jews, were bound to create antagonism in- 

" See The Jewish Expositor, 1818, pp. 239-41, 272. 

13 " A History of the Jews in Russia and Poland," Dubnow, vol. i, p. 335 
ct seq. 

14 Ibid., p. 341 et seq. 

/bid., p. 355 et seq. See also, David Philipson, " Max Lilienthal," 
New York, 1915, pp. 172-3 ; S. M. Glnsburg, Der vatertUndische Krieg 181X 
und die Juden, Petrograd, 1912, cited by L. Scheinhaus, Die Wohltaten des 
Houses Romanov, in Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. Ixxix, pp. 
331-3 (1915). 

M The Jewish Expositor, 1817, p. 228. 

1T L. Scheinhaus. Die Oeschichte der russischen Juden im 19. Jahrhundert, 
Berlin, 1901, pp. 16-17, citing Dr. Mandelkern's (Hebrew) Oeschichte Russ- 
lands, vol. Ill, pp. 32-4 ; Raisin, " The Haskalah Movement," pp. 117, 128, 
166. Scheinhaus also makes a statement, found as well in substance In 
Herman Rosenthal's article on Alexander I in " The Jewish Encyclopedia," 
Graetz's history, and M. Phillppson's work, vol. 1, pp. 135, 136, to the effect 
that Alexander stated that " if, through his efforts to ameliorate the 
condition of the Jews, he would succeed in bringing forth only a single 
Mendelssohn among his subjects, he would feel amply compensated." In 
the biography of Josef Perl contained in M. Ehrenthell's Jtidische Char- 
acterbilder, Pesth, 1867, at p. 89, reference is made to the fact that the 
Czar Alexander I presented a gold medal to Perl about 1816 In appreciation 
of his services In establishing an elementary Jewish school at Tarnopol. 

18 Dubnow, supra, vol. 1, pp. 344-5. See also, supra, pp. 54, 55, 87. 


92 American Jewish Historical Society. 

stead of cooperation among a people who, for centuries, cheerfully 
accepted martyrdom on account of their religion." The combination 
in one ministry, under Galitzin, of the departments of ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs and public education was unwise, to say nothing of 
Galitzin's unfortunate personal participation in conversionist 
propaganda. In consequence, such well-laid Jewish educational 
plans as David Friedlander prepared at governmental instance in 
1816, 20 subsequently, in 1819, published under the title, Uelter die 
Verbesserung der Israelites, im Konigreich Pohlen, were received 
with suspicion, instead of favor, by the majority of the Jews of Rus- 
sia and Poland. In the present paper further evidence is collated 
of Alexander's course in promoting Jewish emancipation in the 
matter of addressing official communications on behalf of the 
Jews, through Nesselrode, to the municipality of Hamburg prior 
to the Congress of Vienna, and thereafter to that of Frankfort, 
in conjunction with Austria, Prussia and England, in order to 
secure to the Jews the enlarged rights accorded them at the 
Vienna Congress (pp. 37, 45-6). Alexander and some of his minis- 
ters had, therefore, apparently interested themselves in such in- 
ternational representations before Way evolved his Aix-la-Chapelle 
plan. Unfortunately, as we have seen, Alexander's entire attitude 
towards " foreign religions," including the Jewish, changed after- 
wards and caused the downfall of Galitzin and the Bible Society. 21 
Independent confirmation of Way's relations to Alexander I is 
furnished by an official despatch, sent by Lord Cathcart, British 
Ambassador at St. Petersburg, to Viscount Castlereagh under date 
of July 30, (August 11.) 1818, in which it was said: 

Alexander is devout and reads some chapters In the Bible every day. He 
Is Indefatigable in printing and publishing the Sacred Writings through his 
dominions in every language, and accompanied by the plainest and most 

l In J. S. Raisin's " The Haskalah Movement," pp. 118, 124-7, some 
additional interesting facts are collated regarding the effect of Alexander's 
educational reforms among the Jews. Dr. Raisin, pp. 120-130, erroneously 
contends that Way was responsible for Alexander's Israelite-Christian con- 
cessions of March 25th, 1817, which were in fact promulgated some months 
before Way's mission to Russia began. As applied to the proposed Crimean 
colony the statement may be true, however. In a biography of Way in The 
Everlasting Nation, vol. i, pp. 145-151, at p. 149 it was stated : " The Czar 
gave him [Way] a letter for Solomon, the first Russian missionary to the 
Jews, giving him full freedom of action, a thing which, as the Czar himself 
said, had never before been done by any Ruler, since the letter King Artax- 
erxes sent by Nehemiah to the Governors beyond the Euphrates." Nehemiah, 
ii, 7-9. 

20 See Dr. M. Wischnitzer, Drei Brief e David Friedl&nders an den Erzbi- 
achof von Warachau, reprinted in Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, vol. 
Jxxii, pp. 353, 354. 

11 Dubnow, supra. 

Jewish Rights at Vienna and Aix-La-Chapelle Kohler. 93 

useful tracts and guides for reading them he can find in our language. He 
protects the missionaries and is easy of access on these subjects. He had 
two long conferences with Mr. Way and approved much of him, without, 
however, being equally sanguine in his expectation of converting the Jews. 
His Imperial Majesty respects the endeavor and Is disposed to support it 
and to make provision for converts.* 1 

Prince Metternich, who wielded great influence over Alexander, 
especially during the last ten years of his life, in his " Memoirs " 
published an interesting character study of Alexander," and also 
wrote an account of the Bible Societies and the Emperor Alex- 
ander. 24 He concludes his account of Alexander's life as follows : M 

The Emperor Alexander died of weariness of life. Seeing himself 
deceived in all his calculations, under the necessity of himself striking at a 
class of his own subjects who had been led astray and instigated by men 
and principles whom he himself had long supported, his heart broke, and 
the events which clouded the accession of his successor, remained a proof 
of the troubles which embittered the last moments of Alexander. 

a " Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington," London, 1865, 
vol. xil, p. 673. 

* Vol. i, pp. 314-34. 

* Vol. Hi, pp. 62-70, Sections 239-41. 

"P. 332, 


" Abhandlungen und Aktenstiicke 

zur Geschlchte der preussischen 

Reformzeit" (Stern), ref. to 10 

(note), 38 (note), 70 (note). 
Acland, Rev. P. L. D., 88. 
Acland, Sir Thomas, 88, 90 (note). 
"Acten des Wiener Congresses " 

(Kliiber), alluded to, 1. 
ref. to, 30 (note). 
Africa, project to colonize Jews on 

North Coast of, 38. 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, iii, 45 

Jewish rights at, 50-61, 87, 88, 

90 (note). 
" Aktenmassige Darstellung der 

Biirgerrechte der Israeliten zu 

Frankfurt," ref. to, 37 (note), 

43 (note), 
alluded to, 44. 
Alexander I, of Russia, 6, 37, 53, 59 

(note), 87, 89, 93. 
influence of English missionaries 

on treatment of Jews by, 50, 

84, 86, 88, 90, 91, 92. 
" Alexander von Humboldt und das 

Judenthum " (Kohut), alluded 

to, 20 (note), 64. 
ref. to, 15 (note), 67 (note). 
Allen, William, 85. 
" Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic," 

ref. to, 59 (note). 
" Allgemeine Zeitung des Juden- 

turns," ref. to, 9 (note), 10 

(note), 15 (note), 17 (note), 

38 (note), 42 (note), 44 (note), 

48 (note), 64 (note), 91 (note), 

92 (note). 

American Jewish Committee, iii. 
American Jewish Historical Society, 

American Jewish Historical Society 

" Publications," ref. to, 46 

" American Jewish Year Book," ref. 

to, 4 (note). 

Arneth, work by, cited, 8 (note). 
Arnstein family of Vienna, 5, 10 

(note), 68. 
Arnstein, Fanny von, 6, 10 (note), 

19, 20, 34. 

Arnstein, Baron Nathan von, 19, 20. 
Asch, 90 (note). 
Asch, A., alluded to, 90 (note). 
Ashwell, A. R., ref. to work by, 90 

Asser, Carl, 42 (note). 

work by, 41-42. 
" Aus Chamisso's Friihzeit " (Gei- 

ger), alluded to, 69 (note). 
" Aus dem Nachlass Friedrichs von 

Gentz," ref. to, 60 (note). 
" Aus dem Nachlass Varnhagen von 

Ense's . . . ," ref. to, 20 (note), 

69 (note). 

alluded to, 65 (note). 
4i Aus der Geschichte der deutsch- 

isr. Gemeinde in Hamburg " 

(Haarbleicher), ref. to, 58 

" Aus Karl von Nostiszs Leben und 

Briefwechsel," ref. to, 17 


" Aus Wilhelm von Hnmboldt's Stu- 
dent jahren " (Schwenke), ref. 

to, 66 (note). 
Austria and Jewish emancipation, 3, 

7, 22, 24, 45, 46, 47 (note), 

49 (note), 50, 51, 57, 59, 60 

(note), 92. 

and religious liberty at the Con- 
gress of Vienna, 38 (note), 
report on the status of the Jews 

in, 61-62. 
" Autour du Congres d'Aix-la-Cha- 

pelle" (Daudet), ref. to, 90 


Badt. Bertha, work by, alluded to, 

20 (note). 
Bail, M., 55. 

work by, alluded to, 56. 




Baring, Sir John, 90 (note), 
ref. to work by, 52 (note). 
" Barthold Dowe Burmania und die 

Vertreibung der Juden aua 

Bohmen und Mahren " (Kauf- 

mann), ref. to, 46 (note). 
Bartholdy family, 68. 
Bartholdy, Jacob Salomon, 10 

Baruch, Jacob, 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 29, 

34, 45 and (note), 59 (note), 

60 (note). 
Bavaria, 23 (note), 24. 

and Jewish emancipation, 3, 7, 27, 


Beckheim, Baron, 45 (note). 
Beer, friend of Wilhelm von Hum- 

boldt, 66. 
Belgium, religious liberty in, and the 

Congress of Vienna, 38, 40, 41 

and (note). 
Bender, work by, alluded to, 48 


" Beobachter," quoted, 48-49. 
Berdrow, work by, alluded to, 19, 

69 (note). 
Berkhelm, 57. 
Berlin, 5, 38, 54, 88. 
Berlin, Congress of, HI. 
Berliner, A., work by, alluded to, 

90 (note). 
Bernhardi, Theodor von, work by, 

alluded to, 89 (note). 
Bernstorff, 50, 57 (note). 
Bernstorff, Countess, 20. 
Bernstorffs, the, 25. 
Berr, Michel, 4 (note), 5 (note), 52. 
Berstett, 57 (note). 
Bethmann, Moritz von, 45 (note), 

59 (note), 90 (note). 
"Bible Society, The" (Pypin), ref. 

to, 89 (note). 

"Bible Society Reports with Ap- 
pendices," alluded to, 85 (note), 
quoted, 86 (note). 
" Biblical Researches and Travels in 

Russia" (Henderson), ref. to, 

85 (note). 
" Lezikon" 

(Wurzbach), ref. to, 20 (note). 
"Bibliotheca Judalca " (Ftirst), al- 
luded to, 51 (note). 

Blanc, Alfred, ref. to work by, 90 


Bleyer, ref. to work by, 44 (note). 
Bloch, Moses, 15. 
" Boerne " (Gutzkow), ref. to, 44 

Boerne, Ludwig, 4, 14, 15, 44, 45 

and (note), 68. 
Bohemia, 46 (note). 
" Book, The, for Every Land " (Pat- 

erson), alluded to, 85 (note). 
Borgo, Pozzo di, 19. 
Bossuet, alluded to, 69. 
Boulger, ref. to work by, 40 (note). 
Bremen, Jewish emancipation in, 

3, 9, 10 (note), 11, 12, 16, 25, 

27, 28, 29, 32. 
See also Hanseatic towns. 
Bresselau, Notary, 16, 58. 
" Briefe an und von Gustav von 

Brinkmann," ref. to, 20 (note). 
" Briefe von Chamisso," ref. to, 33 

" Briefe von Dorothea und Wilhelm 

Schlegel an die Familie Paulus " 

(Unger), alluded to, 18 (note). 
" Briefe von Gentz an Pilat," quoted, 

44 (note), 49 (note), 89 (note). 
ref. to, 56 (note). 
" Briefe von Henriette Herz an 

Twesten " (Heinrici), ref. to, 

20 (note). 
" Briefe von Stagemann, Metternich, 

Heine und Bettina von Arnim," 

alluded to, 69 (note), 
quoted, 70 (note) -71 (note). 
" Briefe von und an Friedrich von 

Gentz" (Wittichen), ref. to, 67 

" Briefe von Wilhelm von Humboldt 

an Georg H. L. Nicolovius," ref. 

to, 66 (note). 
" Briefe von Wilhelm von Humboldt 

an elne Freundln," ref. to, 68 

" Briefwechsel mit Mtiller," ref. to, 

60 (note). 
" Briefwechsel zwlschen Jacob und 

Wilhelm Grimm " (Grimm and 

Henrichs) alluded to, 69 (note). 



" Briefwechsel zwischen Karoline 

von Humboldt, Rahel und Varn- 

hagen," alluded to, 65 (note), 

69 (note). 
" Briefwechsel zwlschen Rahel und 

David Veit," alluded to, 68 

" Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen 

und Rahel," ref. to, 42 (note), 

69 (note), 90 (note). 
" Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen 

von Ense und Oelsner nebst 

Briefen von Rahel," alluded to, 

48 (note). 

Brinkmann, Gustav von, 20. 
British and Foreign Bible Society, 


" British Museum Catalogue," al- 
luded to, 86 (note). 
Broglie, Maurice de, Bishop of 

Ghent, 39, 40. 
Broyde", I., ref. to, 5 (note). 
Bruhns, ref. to work by, 67, 68. 
Brunswick intervenes In behalf of 

Jews of Bohemia, 46 (note). 
Brussels, 53. 
Buchholz, Carl August, 5, 8 (note), 

11, 12 (note), 15, 16, 30, 45 

(note), 52, 58, 59 (note) 60 

(note), 63, 89 (note), 
work by, on the emancipation of 

the Jews, 16-17. 

Buol, Count, 45 (note), 60 (note). 
" Biirgermeister J o h a n n Smidt " 

(Schulze-Smidt), alluded to, 

21 (note). 
Burmania, Barthold D o w e , 46 


Canton, work by, alluded to, 85 

(note), 90 (note). 
" Cambridge Modern History," ref. 

to, 5, 40 (note). 

Capodistrias, Count, 19, 20, 50, 85. 
Carlebach, Dr. S., ref. to work by, 

10 (note), 13 (note), 15, 16, 21, 

30 (note), 32, 52 (note). 
Carlsbad Conference of 1819 and 

Jewish emancipation, 57 and 

Castlereagh, Viscount, 6, 18, 40, 50, 


on Jewish emancipation In Ger- 
many, 47. 

Cathcart, Earl, on relations of 
Lewis Way with Alexander I, 
of Russia, 92-93. 

Chamisso, Adelbert von, 65 (note), 
69 (note). 

" Christian Wilhelm Dohms ' Ueber 
die biirgerllche Verbesserung 
der Juden ' " (Reuss), alluded 
to, 51 (note). 

Clancarty, Earl of, 7, 18, 40, 47. 

Clarkson, Thomas, 90 (note). 

" Confederation of Europe, The " 

(Phillips), alluded to, 50. 
ref. to, 89 (note). 

" Congres de Vlenne, La " (d'Ange- 
berg), ref. to, 27 (note). 

Consalvl, Cardinal, 19, 20. 

" Correspondence Diplomatique de 
Joseph de Malstre," ref. to, 90 

" Correspondent, La," ref. to, 90 

" Correspondence, Dispatches and 
Other Papers of Viscount Cas- 
tlereagh," ref. to, 40-41. 
quoted, 47. 

" Correspondence of Galitzin and 
Photi," ref. to, 89 (note). 

Cox, Rev. R., 85, 86 (note). 

Crimea, 86, 88, 92. 

Czernitscheff, General, 18. 

DacherSden, Caroline von. Bee Hum- 
boldt, Caroline DacherSden von. 

Dalberg, [E. J., duke of,] 7. 

Dalberg, Archduke Karl von, 3, 29, 
59 (note). 

d'Angeberg, ref. to work by, 27 
(note), 39 (note). 

Danz, Syndic, 5, 21, 26. 

Darmstadt and Jewish emancipa- 
tion, 34. 

Daudet, E., ref. to work by, 90 

de le Roi, J. F. A., ref. to work by, 
52 (note). 

Delitzsch, Franz, 88. 

ref. to work by, 52 (note). 



" Denkwiirdigkeiten " (Varnhagen), 

ref. to, 15, 19 (note), 42 (note), 

44 (note). 
Denmark, 25. 
Deutsch, Prof. Gotthard, alluded to, 

4 (note). 
" Deutsche Hand- und Haus-Biblio- 

thek Collection Spemann," ref. 

to, 68 (note). 
" Deutsche Rundschau," ref. to, 18 

(note), 66 (note). 
" Dlchter und Frauen" (Gelger), 

ref. to, 18 (note). 

" Dictionary of National Biog- 
raphy," ref. to, 85, 90 (note). 
Dohm, Christian Wilhelm, 51, 52 

(note), 53, 64, 71 (note), 
works by, alluded to, 9, 16, 51 

(note), 63, 70. 
work by, on Jewish emancipation 

presented at the Congress of 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 51, 53 ; quoted, 

" Dorothea v. Schlegel und deren 

Sohne, Johannes u. Fhilipp 

Veit" (Raich), alluded to, 18 

" Drei Briefe David FriedlSnders an 

den Erzbischof von " 

(Wischnitzer), ref. to, 92 

" Drei neue Biicher (iber Rahel 

Levin" (Ebstein), ref. to, 20 

Dubnow, S. M., ref. to work by, 52 

(note), 86 (note), 91 (note), 

92 (note). 

Ebstein, ref. to work by, 20 (note). 
Ehrentheil, M., ref. to work by, 91 

" Eleventh Report of the London 

Conversion Society," ref. to, 87 

Emancipation, Jewish, and Wilhelm 

von Humboldt, 33-34, 35, 63, 

64, 69, 70, 71-83. 
and Lewis Way, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 

55, 56, 59, 61. 
See also Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress 

of ; Vienna, Congress of. 

" Emanzipation der Juden in Preus- 

sen " (Freund), ref. to, 9 

(note), 15 (note), 70 (note). 
" Empereur Alexander I, L' " (Mik- 

hailovich), ref. to, 90 (note). 
" Emperor Alexander and the 

Quakers" (Pypin), ref. to, 89 


Empeytaz, Swiss evangelist, 88. 
" Encyclopedia Britannica," ref. to, 

17 (note). 
England, 3, 41, 49 (note), 84. 

and Jewish emancipation, 3, 38, 

45, 46, 47, 48, 92. 
intervenes in behalf of Jews of 

Bohemia, 46 (note). 
" Entre"e, L', des Israelites dans la 

societe frangais et les etats 

Chretiens" (Lemann), alluded 

to, 41 (note). 
Ephraim, Madame, 6, 20. 
Erb, Frederick W., alluded to, 4 

Eskeles, Cecilie von, 6, 10 (note), 

19, 60 (note). 
Eskeles family, 5, 68. 
" Euphorion," ref. to, 69 (note). 
" Evangelische Christenheit, Die, 

und die Juden " (de le Roi), ref. 

to, 52 (note). 
" Everlasting Nation, The," ref. to, 

52 (note), 
quoted, 92 (note). 
" Extracts of Letters from Rev. 

Robert Pinkerton," alluded to, 

85 (note). 
Eybenburg, Mariane von (n6e 

Meyer), 19. 
Eynard, ref. to work by, 90 (note). 

" Familie Mendelssohn, Die" (Hen- 
sel), alluded to, 18 (note). 

' Feldziige Napoleons, Die " (Grun- 
wald), alluded to, 20 (note). 

" Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier 
der Realschule der israelit- 
ischen Gemeinde (Phllanthro- 
pin), zu Frankfurt-am-Main, 
1804-1904," alluded to, 48 



Fournier, A., work by, alluded to, 
8 (note) ; ref. to, 13 (note), 
18, 20 (note). 

France, 50, 68. 

and Jewish emancipation, 3, 5 
(note), 41, 58. 

Francis I, Emperor, 60 (note). 

Frank, work by, alluded to, 41 

Frank, Dr., 87 (note). 

Frankel, ref. to work by, 51 (note). 

Frankfort-on-the-Maln, 23 (note), 

36, 54, 90 (note). 
Jewish emancipation In, 3, 4, 5, 
11, 13, 14, 15, 21, 22, 23, 25, 
27, 28, 29, 30, 34, 37, 42, 43, 
44, 45 (note), 46, 47 (note), 48, 
49 (note), 50, 56, 57, 59 (note), 
60 (note), 92. 

Diet at, and the Jewish question, 
23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 
36, 43, 44, 45 (note), 46, 47, 
48, 49, 56, 57. 

Freidus, A. S., alluded to, 4 (note). 

French Revolution, 3. 

" French Revolution, The, and Re- 
ligious Reform" (Sloane), ref. 
to, 41 (note). 

Freund, ref. to work by, 9 (note), 
11 (note), 15 (note), 38 (note), 
70 (note), 73 (note), 78 (note). 

Friedenberg, Albert M., alluded to, 
4 (note), 42 (note). 

Friedlaender, Ludwig H., 90 (note). 

FriedlSnder, Benoni, 67. 

Friedlander, David, 10 (note), 15, 

16, 66, 67. 

work by, cited, 42 (note) ; alluded 
to, 92. 

" Friedrich Schlegel am Bundestag 
in Frankfurt " (Bleyer), ref. to, 
44 (note). 

" Friedrich von Gentz und die 
Juden " (Gelger), ref. to, 48 

" Friiheren und gegenwartigen Ver- 
haltnisse der Juden des preus- 
sischen Staates " (Von Ronne 
and Simon), ref. to, 4 (note). 

Fiirst, work by, ref. to, 18 (note), 
66 (note), 68 (note) ; alluded 
to, 51 (note). 

" Furst Alexander N. Galitzln und 
seine Zelt " (von Goetze) , al- 
luded to, 89 (note). 

Galicia, 62. 

"Gabriel Riesser " (Isler), ref. to, 
16 (note). 

Gagern, von, work by, alluded to, 6 ; 
ref. to, 10 (note). 

Galltzin, Prince [Alexander N.], 84, 
86, 87, 89, 90 (note), 92. 

Gebhardt, Bruno, work by, ref. to, 
9 (note), 71 (note) ; alluded to, 
71 (note). 

" Geheimpolizel, Die, auf. d e m 
Wiener Kongress " (Fournier), 
ref. to, 13. 

Gelger, Ludwig, works by, ref. to, 
9 (note), 10 (note), 14 (note), 
15 (note), 17 (note), 18 (note), 
19 (note), 42 (note), 44 (note), 
45 (note), 48 (note), 64, 68 
(note) ; alluded to, 15 (note), 
38 (note), 69 (note). 

" Geistigen Bewegungen, Die, In 
Russia nd in der ersten H&Ifte 
des 19. Jahrhunderts . . . . " 
(Pypln), ref. to, 89 (note). 

Gentz, Friedrich von, 5, 7, 16, 17, 

18, 19, 20, 29, 34, 44 (note), 

45 (note), 48, 60 (note), 67 

(note), 69, 71, 89 (note). 

diary of, ref. to, 16 (note), 17 

(note), 33 (note), 45 (note), 

57 (note) ; alluded to, 48 

(note) ; quoted, 28, 59 (note), 

60 (note). 

on Jewish emancipation, 49 


on the Jewish question at the 
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 56- 

on the Jewish question at the 
Carlsbad Conference, 57. 

" Gentz und Wessenberg " (Arneth), 
alluded to, 8 (note). 

George, Crown Prince of Mecklen- 
burg-Strelltz, 34. 

Germany, 2, 37, 68. 

and Jewish emancipation, 3, 11, 
15, 18-19, 21-22, 24, 25, 27-28, 



30-32, 33, 35, 36, 47, 49, 51, 52, 

58, 63, 70. 
Bee also individual cities and 

states of Germany. 
" Gesammelte Schriften " (Hum- 

boldt), ref. to, 9 (note), 36 

" Gesammelte Schriften " (Kauf- 

mann), ref. to, 46 (note). 
" Geschichte der deutschen Bundes- 

versammlung " (Use), alluded 

to, 45 (note), 
ref. to, 48 (note). 
" Geschichte der deutschen Verfas- 

sungsf rage " (Schmidt), ref. to, 

7 (note), 37 (note). 
" Geschichte der evangellschen 

Juden-Mlsslon " (de le Rol), 

ref. to, 52 (note). 
" Geschichte der Freien Stadt Frank- 
furt " ( Schwemer) , ref. to, 9 

" Geschichte der Juden in Liibeck 

und Moisling " (Carlebach), 

ref. to, 10 (note), 15. 
" Geschichte der Juden in Wlen " 

(Wolf), ref. to, 17 (note), 60 


" Geschichte der jiidischen Refor- 
mation " (Ritter), ref. to, 15 

" Geschichte, Die, der russlschen 

Juden im 19. Jahrhundert " 

(Steinhaus), ref. to, 91 (note). 
" Geschichte des jiid. Volkes " 

(Graetz), ref. to, 29 (note). 
" Geschichte des westfalischen 

Friedens" (Flitter), ref. to, 4 

" Geschichte Europas seit den 

Vertragen von 1815" (Stern), 

ref. to, 48 (note), 53 (note), 

" Geschichte Russlands " (Mandel- 

kern), ref. to, 91 (note). 
" Geschichte Russlands und der 

europaischen Politik in den 

Jahren 1814-1831" (Bern- 

hardl), alluded to, 89 (note). 
" Geschichte Russlands u n t e r 

Nicholas I" (Schliemann), al- 
luded to, 90 (note). 

Geymuller, of Vienna, 20. 

Ginsburg, M., work by, alluded to, 
91 (note). 

Goethe, [Wolfgang, A.], alluded to, 

" Goethe, Bettina und die Frank- 
furter Juden " (Geiger), ref. to, 
48 (note). 

"Goethe und die Juden" (Geiger), 
ref. to, 48 (note). 

Goetze, Peter von, work by, alluded 
to, 89 (note). 

Goldschmidt, Frledrlch and Paul, 
work by, alluded to, 65 (note). 

Goltz, Count, 45 (note). 

Gotha and Jewish emancipation, 25. 

Graetz, H., work by, alluded to, 1, 
48 (note), 91 (note) ; ref. to, 
29, 41 (note), 44 (note), 49 
(note), 52 (note), 58 (note). 

Grant, Robert, 49 (note). 

Grggoire, Mgr., bishop of Blois, 55. 

Grimm, Hermann, and G. Henrichs, 
work by, alluded to, 69 (note), 

Gronau, ref. to work by, 51 (note). 

Grote, Count de, 30. 

See also Grothe, Count de. 

Grothe, Count de, 11, 12. 
See also Grote, Count de. 

Grotthus, Sara von (ne'e Meyer), 19. 

Grunwald, [M.], works by, alluded 
to, 20 (note). 

Gumprecht, J. J., 4, 14. 

Gutzkow, work by, alluded to, 14. 
ref. to, 44 (note). 

Haarblelcher, M. M., ref. to works 
by, 16 (note), 37 (note), 58 

Hahn, work by, alluded to, 20 
(note) . 

Hamburg, Jewish emancipation in, 
3, 10 (note), 11, 12, 16, 29, 92. 
See also Hanseatic towns. 

Hamel, Joseph, 85. 

Handel, 89 (note). 

Hanover and Jewish emancipation, 
7, 8, 24, 57. 

Hanseatic towns, Jewish emancipa- 
tion in, 5, 13 (note), 15, 30, 31, 
34, 37 (note), 50. 



See also Bremen ; Hamburg ; Lti- 

Harden, Ralph, work by, alluded to, 
52 (note). 

Hardenberg, Count, 7, 8. 

Hardenberg, Prince, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 
11, 14, 19, 20, 21, 28, 30, 32, 
33, 35, 36, 37, 43, 44, 46 (note), 
47, 49 (note), 50 (note), 56, 59, 
60, 63, 64, 69, 70. 
on Jewish emancipation in Prus- 
sia, 11, 12. 
on Jewish emancipation in Frank- 

fort-on-the-Main, 13. 
on Jewish emancipation in Ger- 
many, 30-32. 
on patriotism of German Jews, 43. 

" Haskalah Movement, The " 
(Raisin), ref. to, 91 (note), 92 

Hauschlldt, 43 (note). 

Hay Roumanian Note, 46 (note). 

Haym, Rudolph, 66. 

Heard, 85. 

Hedemann, 10 (note). 

Heinrici, G., ref. to work by, 20 

Henderson, Ebernezer, 85. 
ref. to work by, 85 (note). 

Henderson, T. S., work by, alluded 
to, 85 (note). 

Henderson, William, alluded to, 88 

Henrichs, G. See Grimm, Hermann 
and G. Henrichs. 

"Henrietta Herz " (Ftirst), ref. to, 
18 (note), 66 (note), 68 (note). 

" Henriette Herz" (Landsberg), al- 
luded to, 20 (note). 

Hensel, work by, alluded to, 18 

Herstlet, ref. to work by, 27 (note). 

Herz, 57 (note). 

Herz family of Vienna, 5, 17. 

Herz, Henrietta, 6, 18 (note), 20 
(note), 64, 65, 68,69. 

Herz, Leopold, 17, 18. 

Herz, Markus, 65, 69. 

Hessen and Jewish emancipation, 
25, 26. 

Hessen-Darmstadt and Jewish eman- 
cipation, 24, 27. 

Hessen-Homburg, Prince, 20. 

Hirsch, Meyer, 67. 

" Historische Zeitschrift," ref. to, 
37 (note). 

"History of Belgium" (Boulger), 
ref. to, 40 (note). 

" History of the British & Foreign 
Bible Society" (Canton), al- 
luded to, 90 (note). 

" History of the Jews in Russia and 
Poland" (Dubnow), ref. to, 52 
(note), 86 (note), 91 (note). 

" History of the Origin and First 
Ten Years of the British & 
Foreign Bible Society " (Owen), 
alluded to, 90 (note). 

Hitzig, J. E., work by, alluded to, 
69 (note). 

Hofner, L. L. von, 13 (note). 

Holland and Jewish emancipation, 

3, 40, 41, 42. 
intervenes in behalf of Jews of 

Bohemia, 46 (note). 
See also Netherlands, the. 

Holstein and Jewish emancipation, 
24, 25. 

Holzmann, work by, ref. to, 44 
(note) ; alluded to, 45. 

Hubert, E., ref. to work by, 41 

Huhner, Leon, alluded to, 4 (note). 

Humboldt, Alexander von, 33, 64, 

65, 67. 

letter of, to Rabbi Marco Mortara, 

Humboldt, Caroline Dacheroden von, 
65, 69. 

Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 
16, 18 (note), 20 (note), 21, 22, 
23, 34, 36, 46 (note), 56. 
on principles of Jewish emancipa- 
tory legislation, 9, 69, 70, 71-83. 
on the struggle for Jewish rights 
at the Congress of Vienna, 33- 

references to Jews In the corre- 
spondence of, 34, 35, 36, 38. 
and his relations with the Jews, 


" Gesammelte Schrif ten " of, 71 



Hungary and Jewish emancipation, 

Hyamson, Albert M., alluded to, 47 


International aid in Jewish emanci- 
pation, 1, 3, 38, 39, 45, 46 and 
(note), 47 and (note), 50, 51, 
57, 60, 61, 88 and (note), 89 
(note), 92. 

See also Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress 
of ; Vienna, Congress of. 

Isler, ref. to work by, 16 (note). 

Italy, Jewish emancipation in, 3, 51, 

Itzig, Daniel, 10 (note), 15, 19. 

Itzig, Moritz, 43 (note). 

Use, work by, alluded to, 45 (note) ; 
ref. to, 48 (note), 58 (note). 

Jacobsohn, Israel, 42 (note), 43. 

"Jane Parmenter's Will" (Har- 
den), alluded to, 52 (note). 

"Jewish Disabilities in the Balkan 
States " (Kohler and Wolf), iii, 
46 (note). 

" Jewish Emancipation a Century 
Ago and To-Day" (Kohler), 
ref. to, 70 (note). 

" Jewish Encyclopedia," ref. to, 5 
(note), 10 (note), 15 (note), 
16 (note), 17, 18 (note), 40 
(note), 42 (note), 69 (note), 
86 (note), 90 (note), 91. 
alluded. to, 51 (note), 65. 

" Jewish Expositor, The," ref. to, 49 
(note), 52 (note), 86 (note), 91 
alluded to, 85. 

Jewish Publication Society of Amer- 
ica, 47 (note). 

" Jewish Rights at International 
Congresses" (Kohler), ref. to, 
4 (note). 

Jewish Theological Seminary of 
America, 51 (note). 

" Jews of the Nineteenth Century, 
The" (Bail), alluded to, 56. 

.1 nci si i n. 59 (note). 

" Johann Smidt : ein Gedenkbuch," 

alluded to, 21 (note), 
ref. to, 45 (note). 

Joseph II, Emperor, 41, 61, 62, 87. 
Jost, work by, alluded to, 1 ; ref. to, 

40 (note), 42 (note), 45 (note), 

48 (note), 58 (note). 
" Journal de France," ref. to, 5 

(note), 52 (note). 
" Juden, Die, in der deutschen Ver- 

gangenheit " (Liebe), ref. to, 42 

" Juden, Die, In der Freien Stadt 

Frankfort und ihre Gegner " 

(Boerne), alluded to, 45. 
" Judengesetzgebung Friedrich Wil- 

helms II" (Lewin), ref. to, 11 

(note), 15 (note). 
" Judenschule, Die, oder Unser Ver- 

kehr," anti-Semitic play, 43. 
" Jiidische Characterbilder " (Eh- 

rentheil), ref. to, 91 (note). 
" JUdische Frauen " (Kayserling), 

alluded to, 18 (note), 19. 
" JUdische Plutarch, Der," ref. to, 

17 (note). 

" Jugendarbeiten Ludwig Boerne's 
iiber Jiidische Dinge " (Schnap- 
per-Arndt), ref. to, 14 (note). 

Kant, 67 (note). 

Kaufmnnn, Prof. David, ref. to work 

by, 46 (note). 
Kayserling, works by, alluded to, 

18 (note), 19; ref. to, 67 

Keller, Count, 20. 

Key, Ellen, work by, alluded to, 20 

Kircheisen, Minister of Justice, 69. 

Kirwan, ref. to work by, 4 (note). 

Kluber, works by, alluded to, 1, 21 ; 
ref. to, 4 (note), 5, 7 (note), 8 
(note), 11 (note), 13 (note), 21 
(note), 22, 24 (note), 25, 26, 27 
(note), 28 (note), 29 (note), 30 
(note), 39 (note) ; quoted, 28- 

Knutsford, ref. to work by, 90 

Kohler, Privy Councillor, 78, 79, 80, 
S2 (note). 

Kohler, Dr. K., alluded to, 4 (note). 



Kohler, Max J., and Simon Wolf, 

work by, alluded to, ill, 46 

Kohut, Dr. Adolph, work by, alluded 

to, 20 (note), 64; ref. to, 15 

(note), 67 (note). 
Roller, General, 18. 
Koreff, Dr. David Ferdinand, 69. 
Koreff, Solomon, 69 (note). 
Krengel, Dr. J., ref. to work by, 46 


Kress, 89 (note). 

Krudener, Madame de, 88, 90 (note). 
Kunth, 65, 67. 
" Kurze Bemerkungen liber das 

Manuscript ' Unser Verkehr ' " 

(C. A. R. . . . d), ret to, 42 


La Besnardi&re, 7. 

Lamb, Frederick, 47 (note). 

Lamel, Simon Edler von, 5, 17, 33 

(note), 57 (note), 59 (note). 
Lamel-Herz, Elise von, 17. 
Landsberg, work by, alluded to, 30 

(note) ; ref. to, 64 (note), 65, 

69 (note). 
" Leben des Hof raths David Amsel 

Meyer" (Nathanson), ref. to, 

42 (note). 
" Leben des Ministers Freiherrn von 

Stein" (Pertz), ref. to, 18 

" Leben Staatrath Kunths, Das " 

(Friedrich u n d" Paul Gold- 

schmidt), alluded to, 65 (note). 
" Leben und Briefe von Adelbert von 

Chamisso " (Hitzig), alluded to, 

69 (note). 
" Leben von Alexander von Hum- 

boldt" (Bruhns), ref. to, 67 


Lehmann, ref. to, 37 (note). 
Le'mann, Joseph, works by, alluded 

to, 41 (note). 
Lessing, alluded to, 64, 68. 
" Letter, A, Addressed to the Bishop 

of St. David's . . ." (Way), al- 
luded to, 86 (note). 
Levin, Rahel. See Varnhagen von 

Ense, Rahel Levin. 

Levy, Madame, of Vienna, 20. 
Lewin, ref. to work by, 11 (note), 

15 (note). 
" Liberte" de Conscience, La, en Droit 

International" (Ridder), ref. 

to, 38 (note). 
Liebe, Georg, ref. to work by, 42 


Lieber, Francis, 16. 
"Lieber" (Perry), ref. to, 16 


Liechtenstein, Prince Wentzel, 18. 
Lieven, Count de, 90 (note). 
" Life and Letters of Zachary Ma- 

caulay " (Knutsford), ref. to, 

90 (note). 
" Life of Sir Henry Hoare " (Sweet), 

alluded to, 90 (note). 
"Life of Robert Owen" (Owen), 

ref. to, 90 (note). 
" Life of Bishop Samuel Wilber- 

force" (Ashwell), ref. to, 90 


Ligne, Prince de, 6, 20, 41. 
Lindner, Dr., 45 (note). 
" Literatur, Die, fiir und wider die 

Juden in Schweden im Jahre 

1815" (Meyer), ref. to, 42 

" Lobzin's Expulsion," ref. to, 89 


London, 90 (note). 
London Conversion Society, 90 


London Society for Promoting Chris- 
tianity among the Jews, 50, 84, 

85, 86 (note), 88. 
Lowenberg, Julius, work by, quoted, 


Lowenhelm, Count, 18. 
Liibeck, Jewish emancipation in, 3, 

10 (note), 11, 12, 13 (note), 15, 

16, 21, 25, 29, 30, 32, 48, 49 

(note), 52, 57. 
See also Hanseatic towns. 
" Ludwig Achim von Arnim und 

Moritz Itzlg " (Varnhagen von 

Ense), cited, 43 (note). 
" Ludwig Boerne" (Holzmann), ref. 

to, 44 (note). 
Luneville, 4 (note). 



Luxemburg and Jewish emancipa- 
tion, 25. 

"Madame de Krudener" (Pypln), 

ref. to, 89 (note). 
" Maimonides Lebensgeschichte " 

(Asch), alluded to, 90 (note). 
Mandelkern, Dr., ref. to work by, 91 


" Map of Europe by Treaty " (Herat- 
let), ref. to, 27 (note). 
Maria Theresa, Queen, 46 (note). 
Martens, F. F. de, alluded to, 47 

(note) 52. 
ref. to work by, 53 (note), 57 

Marx, Prof. Alexander, alluded to, 4 

(note), 42 (note). 
"Max Lilienthal" (Philipson), ref. 

to, 91 (note). 
Mayence intervenes in behalf of 

Jews of Bohemia, 46 (note). 
Mecklenburg and Jewish emancipa- 
tion, 57. 
" Mein Antheil an der Politik " (von 

Gagern), ref. to, 10 (note). 
Mejer, work by, alluded to, 18 

(note) ; ref. to, 68 (note). 
" Memoir of Rev. E. Henderson " 

(Henderson), alluded to, 85 

" Memoir of the late Mrs. Paterson, 

wife of the Rev. Dr. Paterson " 

(Swan), alluded to, 85 (note>. 
" Mgmoire sur 1'Etat des Juives, Ad- 

dresse'e & S. M. 1'Empereur de 

Toutes les Russies," by Lewis 

Way, 53. 
" Memoiren des k. pr. Generals Lud- 

wig Freiherrn von Wolzogen," 

ref. to, 20 (note). 
" M6moires et Melanges Historiques 

et Litteraires," ref. to, 41 

" M6moires sur I'Gt&t des Israelites, 

dedie's et pre'sente's ft leur ma- 

jestes imperiales et royales, 

rfiunies au Congres d'Aix-la- 

Chapelle," by Lewis Way, 51, 

61 (note). 

" Memoirs of Prince Metternich," 
ref. to, 53 (note), 61 (note), 
quoted, 93. 

" Memoirs of the Quaker Grel. de 
Mobi, regarding his sojourn In 
Russia" (Pypin), ref. to, 89 

Mendelssohn, Dorothea. See 
Schlegel, Dorothea von. 

Mendelssohn, Henrietta, 65. 

Mendelssohn, Joseph, 66. 

Mendelssohn, Moses, 18, 64, 65, 66, 
67, 68. 

Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Karl, ref. to 
work by, 49 (note). 

Metternich, Prince, 5, 6, 7, 8, 14, 18, 
22, 23 (note), 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 
34, 36, 37, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49 
(note), 50, 57, 58, 59, 60 
(note), 61, 93. 
on Jewish emancipation in Frank- 

fort-on-the-Main, 29, 44. 
on Jewish emancipation in Ger- 
many, 30. 
"Memoirs" of, 53 (note), 61 

(note), 90 (note) ; quoted, 93. 
on the Jewish question in Austria, 

Metternich, Prince Richard, ref. to 
work by, 61 (note). 

Meyer, E., ref. to work by, 42 

Meyer, Jonas Daniel, 40, 42 (note). 

Meyer, Mariane. See Eybenburg, 
Mariane von. 

Meyer, Sara. See Grotthus, Sara 

Mikhailovich, Duke, ref. to work by, 
90 (note). 

Mirabeau, 64. 

Missionary societies, English, and 
emancipation of Jews in Russia 
and Poland, 84, 85. 

" Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und 
Wissenschaft des Judentums," 
ref. to, 10 (note), 11 (note), 15 
(note), 20 (note), 42 (note), 
46 (note), 51 (note), 87 (note). 

" Morgenstunden," by Moses Men- 
delssohn, 67. 



Moritz, Johann C., 85, 86 (note). 
Mortara, Rabbi Marco, letter of 

Alexander von Humboldt to, 67- 


Moscow, 86 (note), 88. 
Mtiller, Johann von, 52. 
Miinster, 89 (note). 
Miinster, Count of, 7, 8. 

Napier, Mrs. Alexander, ref. to work 

by, 61 (note). 
Napoleon, 6, 58. 

Napoleonic Sanhedrin, 5 (note), 58. 
Napoleonic Wars, 1, 2, 4 (note), 16, 

64, 71 (note), 91. 
Nassau and Jewish emancipation, 

Nathanson, M. L., ref. to work by, 

42 (note). 
" Nebst Briefen von Koreff," alluded 

to, 69 (note). 

Neiszer, Regina, ref. to, 10 (note). 
Nesselrode, Count, 6, 37 (note), 50, 

88 (note), 92. 
Netherlands, the, religious liberty 

in, and the Congress of Vienna, 

2, 38, 41. 
See also Holland. 
" Neuere Geschichte der Israeliten " 

(Jost), ref. to, 40 (note), 42 

" Neueste Geschichte des judischen 

Volkes" (Philippson), ref. to, 

29 (note), 90 (note). 
New York Public Library, 51 (note). 
Nicolai, alluded to, 64, 68. 
Nicolovius, Georg H. L., 66 (note). 
"Nord und Slid," alluded to, 20 

" Nouveau R e c u e i 1 G6nral " 

(Martens), ref. to, 57 (note). 

" Oeffentliches Recht des deutschen 
Bundes und der Bundes- 
staaten" (Kliiber), ref. to, 28 

*' Oesterreichischer Beobachter," ref. 
to, 16 (note). 

" Oesterreich's Juden in den Be- 
freiungskriegen " (Grunwald), 
alluded to, 20 (note). 

" Oeuvres Completes de J. de 

Maistre," 90 (note). 
Oko, A. S., alluded to, 4 (note). 
Olfers, Hedwig von, ref. to work by, 

10 (note), 19 (note), 
alluded to, 20 (note). 
Oppenheimer, Jacob, 15, 16, 58. 
Orange, Prince of, 39, 40. 
Owen, Rev. John, work by, alluded 

to, 85 (note), 90 (note). 
Owen, R., ref. to work by, 90 (note). 
Owen, Robert, 90 (note). 

Palmella, Count, 18. 
Paterson, Rev. John, 84, 85. 
work by, alluded to, 85 (note), 
on patriotism of Russian Jews in 

Napoleonic invasion, 91. 
Pereyra, Madame, 6, 20. 
Perl, Josef, 91 (note). 
Perry, ref. to work by, 16 (note). 
Pertz, ref. to work by, 18 (note), 

37 (note), 38 (note). 
Philippson, Martin, ref. to work by, 

29 (note), 90 (note), 91 (note). 
Philipson, Rev. Dr. David, ref. to 

work by, 91 (note). 
Phillips, W. Alison, work by, ref. 

to, 17 (note), 89 (note) ; al- 
luded to, 50. 

Pilat, 49 (note), 89 (note). 
Pilats, the, of Vienna, 26 (note). 
Pinkerton, Robert, 85, 86 (note), 
works by, alluded to, 85 (note). 
" Plan d'une Memoire," by Lewis 

Way, 53. 
Plessen, von, 45 (note), 56, 57 

Poland, 62, 84, 85, 86 (note), 87, 

intervenes in behalf of Jews of 

Bohemia, 46 (note). 
Jewish emancipation in, 51. 
Pope, the, intervenes in behalf of 

Jews of Bohemia, 46 (note). 
Prague, 5, 17, 33. 
" Precis historique sur 1'gtat des 

Israelites du Royaume de Pays- 

Bas " (Asser), alluded to, 42. 
" Preponderance Juive, La " (IA- 

mann), alluded to, 41 (note). 



" Present State of the Greek Church 
in Russia" (Paterson), alluded 
to, 85 (note). 

Prussia and religious liberty at the 

Congress of Vienna, 3, 38. 
and Jewish emancipation, 7, 8 
(note), 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 
21, 22, 24, 31, 33, 36, 45, 46, 
47, 48, 49 (note), 50, 57, 59, 
60, 63, 70, 71, 83, 92. 

Public office, Jewish eligibility for, 
in Prussia, 77, 78. 

Ptitter, ref. to work by, 4 (note). 

Pypin, A. N., ref. to works by, 89 

" Rahel Varnhagen " (Bedrow), al- 
luded to, 69 (note). 

Raich, Dr. J. M., work by, alluded 
to, 18 (note). 

Raisin, J. S., ref. to work by, 91 
(note), 92 (note). 

Rechberg, Count, 23, 33. 

" Recueil des traite's et conventions 
conclus par la Russie " (Mar- 
tens), ref. to, 53 (note). 

" Reform Advocate," ref. to, 70 

Religious liberty. See Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, Congress of ; Vienna, Con- 
gress of. 

"Religious Liberty" (Rufflni), ref. 
to, 4 (note), 41 (note). 

Reuss, F., work by, alluded to, 51 

" Revue Droit International et de 
Legislation ComparCe," ref. to, 
38 (note). 

Richelieu, 50. 

Ridder, Jean De, work by, ref. to, 
38; quoted, 39; alluded to, 40. 

Riesser, Gabriel, 49. 

Ritter, I. H., ref. to work by, 15 

Rome, 60 (note). 

Rose, Sir George, 88. 

Rosenthal, Herman, ref. to, 90 
(note), 91 (note). 

Rothschild, Baron, 60 (note). 

Rothschild, A. M., 45 (note). 

Rothschild, C. See Rothschild, Karl. 
Rothschild, Karl (C.), 45 (note), 

59 (note). 

Rothschild, Mayer Amschel, 14. 
Rothschild, Nathan, 90 (note). 
Rothschild, Salomon, 59 (note). 
Rothschilds, the, 5, 14, 15, 48, 52, 

60 (note). 

Royal Prussian Academy of Science, 
33 (note), 71 (note). 

Ruffini, ref. to work by, 4 (note), 
41 (note). 

Russia, 3, 37. 

and religious liberty at the Con- 
gress of Vienna, 3, 38, 45 ; at 
the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
50, 53-55. 

and Jewish emancipation, 37. 
influence of English missionaries 
on treatment of Jews in, 84-93. 

"Russia" (Paterson), alluded to, 
85 (note). 

Russian Bible Society, 85, 89, 90 

"Russie, La, et les Russes " (Tour- 
genieff), alluded to, 89 (note). 

" Russk Starina," ref. to, 89 (note). 

Saaling, Mariamne, 10 (note). 

" Saat auf Hoffnung," ref. to, 52 

(note), 88 (note). 
St. Petersburg, 84, 89 (note). 
Sanhedrin convened by Napoleon. 

See Napoleonic Sanhedrin. 
Saxony and Jewish emancipation, 

26, 27, 28, 34. 
intervenes in behalf of Jews of 

Bohemia, 46 (note). 
Schaumburg-Llppe and Jewish 

emancipation, 25, 26. 
Scheinhaus, L., ref. to works by, 91 


Schiff family of Hamburg, 16. 
Schlegel, Dorothea von, 6, 18, 26 

(note), 65, 66, 68. 
Schlegel, Friedrich von, 18, 44, 59 


Schlegel, Wilhelm von, 65. 
Schlesier, ref. to work by, 60 (note). 
Schliemann, work by, alluded to, 89 




Schmidt, Wilhelm A., ref. to work 

by, 7 (note), 8 (note), 21, 22 

(note), 37 (note). 
Schnapper-Arndt, G., ref. to work 

by, 14 (note). 
Schnitzler, J. H., work by, alluded 

to, 89 (note). 
" Schriften von Gentz" (Schlesler), 

ref. to, 60 (note). 

Schrotter, von, 38 (note), 71 (note). 
Schulze-Smidt, B., work by, alluded 

to, 21 (note) ; quoted, 26 

Schwemer, ref. to work by, 9 (note), 

11 (note), 21 (note), 22 (note), 

23 (note), 28 (note), 29 (note), 

45, 48 (note), 59 (note). 
Schwenke, Paul, ref. to work by, 66 

" Secret History of the Court and 

Government of Russia under 

the Emperors Alexander and 

Nicholas" (Schnitzler), al- 
luded to, 121 (note). 
Sessa, anti-Semitic play by, 43. 
Simon. See Von Ronne and Simon. 
Slave-trade and the Congress of 

Vienna, 3. 
and the Congress of Aix-la-Cha- 

pelle, 90 (note). 
Sloane, William Milligan, ref. to 

work by, 41 (note). 
Smidt, Johann, 9, 10, 21, 22, 23, 

26, 28, 59 (note), 70. 
Solms, Count, 20. 
Solomon. Benjamin, 85, 86 (note), 

92 (note). 
on the education of Jews in 

Russia, 87. 
" Some Particulars relating to the 

late Emperor Alexander, with 

notes by L. W.," quoted, 88. 
Stagemann, Privy Councillor von, 

10, 43 (note), 70 (note). 
Stein, Freiherr von, 6, 36, 37, 38. 
Stern, Alfred, ref. to, 7 (note), 10 

(note), 38 (note), 48 (note), 

53 (note), 60, 70 (note). 
Strassburg, 5. 
"Sulamitb," ref. to, 4 (note), 5 

(note), 16 (note), 49 (note), 

52 (note). 

" Supplementary Dispatches of the 
Duke of Wellington," ref. to, 
90 (note), 93 (note). 

Swan, William, work by, alluded to, 
85 (note). 

Sweden, 42. 

Sweet, work by, alluded to, 90 

Sydow, Anna von, work by, ref. to, 
17 (note), 23 (note), 33 (note), 
34 (note), 38 (note) ; alluded 
to, 20 (note) ; quoted, 65 
(note), 66 (note), 68 (note). 

"Tagebvicher" (Gentz), 16 (note), 

17 (note), 33 (note), 44 (note), 

45 (note). 

alluded to, 48 (note), 
quoted, 59 (note). 
" Tagebficher," of Wilhelm von 

Humboldt, 33 (note). 
Talleyrand, Prince, 6, 18, 41. 
Tama, ref. to work by, 4 (note). 
Thirty Years' War, 4 (note). 
" Toleranzedikt Josephs II, Das " 

(Prank), alluded to, 41 (note). 
Tourgenieff, N., work by, alluded to, 

89 (note). 
" Transactions of the Parisian San- 

hedrin " (Tama), ref. to, 4 


Trautmansdorff, Prince, 20. 
" Travels and Adventures of the 

Rev. Joseph Wolff," ref. to, 90 


Treechow, 51 (note). 
Turkey intervenes In behalf of Jews 

of Bohemia, 46 (note). 

" Ueber den Verfasser der Posse 
Unser Verkehr" (Geiger), ref. 
to, 42 (note). 

" Ueber die Aufnahme der Jiidischen 
Glaubensgenossen zum Biirger- 
recht " (Buchholz), alluded to, 

" Ueber die Stellung der Bekenner 
des mosaischen Glaubens in 
Deutschland " (Riesser), al- 
luded to, 49. 



" TJeber die Verbesserung der Is- 
raeliten im Koenigreich Poh- 
len " (Friedlaender), cited, 42 
alluded to, 92. 

" TJebersicht der dlplomatischen Ver- 
handlungen des Wiener Con- 
gresses " (Kltiber), quoted, 28- 

Uffenhelm, G. G., 4, 13. 

" Ungarische Rundschau," ref. to, 
44 (note). 

Unger, work by, alluded to, 18 

Varnhagen von Ense, Karl, 14, 19, 
26 (note), 33 (note), 35, 65, 

on Jewish emancipation In Ger- 
many, 35. 

works by, cited, 42-43 and (note) ; 
ref. to, 44 (note). 

Varnhagen von Ense, Rahel Levin, 
6, 14, 19, 20 (note), 26 (note), 
34, 35, 41, 68, 90 (note). 

" Vaterlandlsche Krleg 1812, Der, 
und die Juden " (Glnsburg), al- 
luded to, 91 (note). 

Velt, David, 68. 

Veit, Dorothea Mendelssohn. See 
Schlegel, Dorothea von. 

Venice intervenes in behalf of Jews 
of Bohemia, 46 (note). 

" Vermlschte Schrlf ten " (Varn- 
hagen von Ense), cited, 43 

Verona, Congress at, and Jewish 
emancipation, 88 (note )-89 

" Vestnlk Evropy," ref. to, 89 

" Vie de Minn, de Kriidener " (Ey- 
nard), ref. to, 90 (note). 

Vienna, 5, 10 (note), 13, 14, 20, 59, 
Gl (note). 

Vienna, Congress of, ill. 
Jewish rights at, 1-49. 
and religious liberty In general, 
2, 8, 21, 26, 27, 37, 38, 39, 44. 

Vienna Ministerial Conference of 
1820, and Jewish emancipation, 

Vienna, Treaty of, 50. 
quoted, 39. 

Von Ronne and Simon, ref. to work 
by, 4 (note). 

" Vortrage und Versuche " (Gelger), 
ref. to, 15 (note), 17 (note), 19 
(note), 42 (note). 48 (note). 

" Voyage, Le, de 1'Empereur Joseph 
II dans les Pays-Bas " (Hu- 
bert), ref. to, 41 (note). 

Waldeck and Jewish emancipation, 

Wangenheim, 57. 

Ward, Sir Adolphus W., ref. to work 
by, 5, 6. 

Warsaw, 54, 55. 

Way, Drusilla, 52 (note), 90 (note), 
on activities of Lewis Way in be- 
half of the Jews, 88. 

Way, Lewis, 50, 51, 52 (note), 85, 
86, 87, 88 (note), 89 (note), 
90 (note), 93. 

works by, on Jewish emancipation 
presented at the Congress of 
Aix-la-Chapelle, 50, 51, 52, 53, 
56, 59, 61 ; quoted, 53-56. 
and the Jews of Russia, 84-93. 
work by, alluded to, 86 (note). 
on Alexander I of Russia, 88. 

Wedler-Stelnberg, A., work by, al- 
luded to, 20 (note). 

Wellington, Duke of, 6, 17 (note), 
18, 19, 50. 

"Wessenberg" (Arneth), cited, 8 

Wessenberg, Baron von, 5, 7, 33, 59 

Wessenberg, Count, 8. 

Westphalia, Jewish emancipation 
in, 3. 

Westphalia, Treaty of, 4 (note). 

Wilberforce, William, 87, 88, 90 

" Wilhelm und Karoline von Hum- 
boldt in ihren Briefen " (von 
Sydow), ref. to, 17 (note), 
alluded to, 20 (note), 
quoted, 65 (note)-66 (note), 69 



" Wilhelm von Humboldt als Staats- 

mann " (Gebhardt), ref. to, 9 


alluded to, 70. 
William I, King of the Netherlands, 


Winzingerode, Count, 8. 
Wischnitzer, Dr. M., ref. to work 

by, 92 (note). 
Witnesses, competency of Jews as, 

in Prussia, 75 (note), 79. 
Wittichen, F. I., work by, alluded to, 

20 (note) ; ref. to. 67 (note). 
" Wohltaten, Die, des Hauses Ro- 
ma now " (Scheinhaus), ref. to, 

91 (note). 
Wolf. [G.,] ref. to work by, 17 

(note), 60 (note). 
Wolf. Simon. See Kohler, Max J., 

nd Simon Wolf. 
Wolff, Joseph, 85, 90 (note). 
" Wort, Ein, zur Beherzigung an 

meine israelitische und christ- 

liche Glaubensbriider " (Dohm), 

alluded to, 51 (note). 
Wolzogen, Caroline von, 66 (note). 

Wrede, Prince, 7. 

Wiirttemberg and Jewish emancipa- 
tion, 7, 8, 57. 

Wurzbach, ref. to work by, 20 

41 Zeitschrift fur Bucherfreunde," 
ref. to, 20 (note). 

" Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte der 
Juden in Deutschland," ref. to, 
14 (note). 

Zichy, Count Charles, 18. 

Zola, alluded to, 64. 

"Zur Familienname Asch " (Ber- 
liner), alluded to, 90 (note). 

" Zur Geschichte der romisch- 
deutschen Frage " (Mejer), al- 
luded to, 18 (note), 68 (note). 

" Zustand der Israeliten zu Frank- 
fort " (Bender), alluded to, 48 

t: Zwei Epochen aus der Geschichte 
der deutsch-israelitischen Ge- 
meinde in Hamburg" (Ilaar- 
bleicher), ref. to, 16 (note), 37 

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